Monthly Archives: June 2010

Mr. Azad Moradian’s speech on the KNCNA 22nd Annual Conference, Kurdish National Congress of North America: Strategy and Tactic for a new era

Mr. Azad Moradian’s speech on the KNCNA 22nd Annual Conference,

San Diego State University,California

Azad Moradian Speech: Kurdish National Congress of North America: Strategy and Tactic for a new era

June 2010:

Kurdish National Congress of North America: Strategy and Tactic for a new era

Dear President of KNC-NA,
Distinguished guests
Ladies and Gentlemen

Thank you for attending KNCNA’s 22nd annual conference. I congratulate the board of advisers, board of directors, members, and the supporters of the KNCNA on the 22nd anniversary of excellent work for the promotion of the Kurdish issues in the North America. I hope that the 22nd conference will be able to successfully reach its goals as it has always done. Every year we gather to reflect on our progress thus far, bring awareness to current issues pertaining to Kurds and Kurdistan, and outline how to move forward.

In the short time that I have with you today I want to take a look at two very important aspects of any organization: strategy and tactic.

Strategy is defined as the overall campaign plan or goal of an institution. This is often confused with tactic.

When KNC-NA was established by a group of distinguished intellectuals following the 1988 chemical bombings of Halabja and the subsequent massacre of the Kurds in Northern Iraq, they agreed to mobilize under the slogan of a United Kurdistan. They were catalyzed by genocide and remained primarily focused on this region for the next decade or so. Some of the objectives of KNC as quoted directly from our website were: “Unite Kurds living in North America to work for common goals, to promote the idea of a United Free Kurdistan, and to strengthen the voice of all Kurds living in the USA and Canada.”

As with all strategy, this overall goal involves complex operational patterns, activity, and decision-making that lead to tactical execution. Tactics are then defined as the actual means used to gain the objective or strategies previously decided on.

Although the founders of KNC-NA envisioned an organization, which pays equal tribute to all Kurds regardless of geographic location, it seems that throughout the years, the primary focus of this establishment has been Iraqi Kurdistan.

This has perhaps been due to the makeup of KNC’s leadership, the historical events at the moment, and the geopolitical importance of Iraqi Kurdistan during the 1990’s and then during the US led war in Iraq.

Azad Moradian Speech: Kurdish National Congress of North America: Strategy and Tactic for a new eraThe tactics that KNC has used to promote the Kurdish agenda has been to be a voice for the victims of Halabja and Anfal, as well as strengthen ties between Kurds in diaspora and the governments in our host countries. This can be seen as strategically wise for KNC because this organization was able to work on the issues most historically urgent for Kurds as well as most newsworthy.

The leaders and founders were able to establish themselves as an authority on current events regarding Kurds and political movements in the region and have been consulted by various agencies.

Another reason why KNC might not have been able to focus on other parts of Kurdistan might have been lack of expertise. This is understandable considering our sheer numbers in North America. We are a very small minority here and have yet to establish a truly educated and organized community. We must be realistic on our outlook. With a population of 300 million in the United States alone and a vast landscape stretching from coast to coast, 20,000 Kurds will have a very difficult time coming together and bringing their talents to form a well-rounded minority group.

This country is also made up of many diverse minority populations, all with their own demands. In order for Kurds in diaspora to be recognized as a minority with a unique history and specific needs, much more must be done. KNCNA can play a very crucial role in this. However, in order to do this our tactics must be current. Our strategy will always be focused on what our founders had in mind but tactics and alliances might need to be reconsidered and then executed.

I believe KNC has an even bigger role to play. The events taking place in the Middle East today will have a direct impact on Kurds, not only in the region, but also on those of us living in diaspora.

The potential to make an impact on policies and lives of Kurds are enormous. All of this has to be done with a fresh outlook.

We cannot continue to use the same tactics we have used in past to move towards our strategy of serving all Kurds. Today Kurds in Turkey, Syria and Iran face serious threats and need the attention of the international community more than ever. Just as in the 1990’s when KNC brought the western communities’ attention to Iraqi Kurdistan;

We now have the potential to zoom in on these regions. We must have the right leadership with such vision, as well as the right connections. We cannot have biased opinions about working with opposition groups or other ethnic minorities in the region, and must redefine what it means to live as a Free Kurd in place like Iran or Turkey.

With all smart goals and strategic planning, an organization must move with the times. It is important for our organization to look at our tactics and find more innovative ways to sail towards our strategy of a United Kurdistan.

Like any other successful organization, KNC needs to be able to self-evaluate and adapt to the new geopolitics of the Kurdish region. Any delay in the systematic reexamination of KNC’s tactics may cause an adjustment disorder similar to any system and phenomena. In fact, ignoring the new system of the region is like ignoring the needs of our people who are working in the grassroots level and can be costly.

Turkey moves towards cultural freedom, while Iraq is moving towards federalism. Although the situation is Iran been bleaker the overall consensus is that the focus should be on Human Rights of Kurds first and foremost. In Syria, the recognition of Kurds as a citizen is one of the most significant issues today. None of these means a derailment from a Free United Kurdistan. Rather these are tactics and diplomatic maneuvering.

During the years after the fall of the Soviet Union, borders were carved up and nations were formed; however, today the international community is not interested in nationalism and state formation, but rather in democratization and standardization of rights. Any deviation from this agenda comes of as extremism.

kncna_22nd_azad.jpgUnfortunately, in a brief analysis of KNCNA’s work in the past few years, one can see a strong indication of reluctance within the leadership to change tactics. There has been a major sense of resistance to move with the times. KNCNA has been unable to differentiate between the overall strategy of holding on to the slogan and dream of a Free Kurdistan and the need to realistically measure the challenges faced by Kurds under each regime in the region

The danger of not reevaluating our tactics is a continuous isolation of the Kurds in diaspora and subsequently less attention and solidarity from the International community to our cause. Our very small presence in the Armenian Genocide Remembrance day is a perfect example of a tactical mistake on our part. A lack of connection with Greek communities and their lobbies is yet another mistake because they could be extraordinarily important especially when issues of Turkey’s human right abuses are brought up.

If we believe that a Free Kurdistan is not compatible with working with non-Kurdish opposition groups in the Middle East who are fighting and struggling with the same regimes in the region, then we will have a much more difficult battle.

Often pro-democracy opposition fronts of all ethnic groups have the same common goals as Kurds, and we need to build strategic alliances. In order to do this we have to have a presence during critical historical events.

For example, the last 12 months could have been a fantastic opportunity to direct the attention of the International community to the plight of the Kurds in Iran. This opportunity was missed. Unimaginable events swept Iran, which took the international community by surprise. It demanded solidarity from the Kurdish Community in diaspora precisely because Kurds in Iran have suffered the most from the regime in Iran and will need the support of other ethnic groups in Iran in the coming months. Our Kurdish community has been almost entirely absent because they have considered the movements in Iran inconsequential and irrelevant to a Free Kurdistan. This type of mentality is not compatible with 21st century politics and needs to be updated.

knc_039.jpgAs Kurds we have to be honest with ourselves and look at our history critically and analytically. We have been one of the biggest losers of history. Yes, we have been betrayed by world powers in the past and continue to struggle with challenges to be recognized. Yes we lack adequate resources to educate our youth and keep them from being executed. Yes, we have been under oppression and have faced genocide, war, and ethnic cleansing. However, we cannot ignore the very fact that we have also often lacked strong compassionate leadership. We have often lacked the right strategy and tactic. We have done too little too late. We have often been silent when we should have shouted, or not acted when we should have been up in arms. Many times when we should have been at the negotiating tables we were too busy fighting amongst ourselves for power and position. Many times we just simply did not understand the systematic geopolitical, economic, social, and cultural aspects of the times we lived in.

If we do not learn from our history then we are bound to repeat them. The prices of losing opportunities are irreversible. As someone who comes from a family of martyr, who has lost many close relatives to the Kurdish plight, as someone who has spent many long months in prison and many long days in the mountains as well as a refugee, I understand first hand what it means to be a Kurd without a land. I also understand that shouting slogans will not save children from execution. We need diplomacy and strategy, lobbies and resources, leaders and funding, as well as dedication and compassion. Yes we can move KNCNA towards a more pragmatic and mature tactical road-map.

Thank you

Azad Moradian, Chaeir of Kurdish American Committee for Democracy and Human Rights in Iran.


موضع احزاب کردستان ایران در قبال “ویراست دوم منشور جنبش سبز

موضع احزاب کردستان ایران در قبال “ویراست دوم منشور جنبش سبز”

مهدی کروبی و میرحسین موسوی قبل از آنکه‌ خود را در زندان حشمتیه‌ متعلق به‌ سپاه‌ پاسداران بیابند، با رایزنی و مشورت با مشاورینشان، پلاتفرم جدید جنبش سبز را تهیه‌ و تدوین کرده‌بودند که‌ پس از بازداشت از سوی حاکمیت، این منشور یا پلاتفرم تازه‌ منتشر شد. احزاب کردستان ایران مواضع و دیدگاههای خود را پیرامون “ویراست دوم منشور جنبش سبز” بدین شرح ارائه‌ دادند:

خالد عزیزی دبیرکل حزب دمکرات کردستان، در مصاحبه‌ای اختصاصی با “باس” بعنوان مقدمه‌ای در ارتباط با موسوی و کروبی ابراز داشت: “قبل از آنکه‌ به‌ جزئیات منشور دوم موسوی و کروبی اشاره‌ کنم، برای تحلیل و ارزیابی واقع بینانه‌ باید ابتداا تعریف مختصری از جنبش سبز و جایگاه‌ این اشخاص ارائه‌ دهیم. جنبش سبز از یک سو ماحصل واکنش موسوی و کروبی به‌ نتایج انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و از دگر سوی نتیجه‌ی تداوم اعتراض و نارضایتی توده‌های مردم به‌ ستوه‌آمده‌ی ایران بود که‌ از این فرصت بهره‌ جسته‌ و به‌ خیابان آمدند. گرچه‌ موسوی و کروبی بعنوان سمبل جنبش سبز درآمده‌اند، اما با این وجود هم، این جنبش در قالب حزب یا گروه‌ خاصی تعریف نمی شود و حامل شعارها و دیدگاههای متنوعی است که‌ خود نمود یا تجلیگاه‌ جامعه‌ی سیاسی ایران است. بنابراین باید بر اساس این واقعیت، منشور دوم موسوی و کروبی را مورد تجزیه‌ و تحلیل قرار دهیم. جوهر و محتوای منشور ادامه‌ی سیاست و پروژه‌های ناقص خاتمی است که‌ عبارت است از اصلاحات و تغییر گام به‌ گام در جمهوری اسلامی”. دبیرکل حزب دمکرات کردستان که‌ از همان ابتدا مردم را به‌ شرکت در آخرین انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ترغیب کرد و در مراحل بعدی حمایت صریح خود را از جنبش اعتراضی مردم اعلام نموده‌ است، در ارتباط با این منشور ابراز می دارد:”در جوهر این منشور نکات خوب بسیاری نهفته‌ است که‌ بمثابه‌ی حداقلی از وجه‌ اشتراکات در مقطع کنونی جنبش توده‌های مردم ایران، میتواند بعنوان سرآغازی جهت گشایش باب تفاهم و تساهل بیشتر در آینده‌ کمک نماید. بدون تردید این منشور نقایص و کاستیهایی هم دارد که‌ برای موسوی و کروبی که‌ در بازداشت به‌ سر میبرند، بیش از این نمیتوان انتظار داشت”. عزیزی در ارتباط با نقش کردها و همچنین رویکرد این پلاتفرم نسبت به‌ قضیه‌ی کرد در مصاحبه‌ی اختصاصی خود با (باس) اظهار داشت:”ما باید این واقعیت را هم بپذیریم که‌ علیرغم فداکاری و جانفشانی بیشمار، مسئله‌ی کرد در ایران بسیار به‌ حاشیه‌ رفته‌ و کردها هم به‌ تنهایی نمیتوانند این رژیم را ساقط کنند”.

ایشان در ارتباط با نکوهشها‌ و ایرادهایی که‌ از سران جنبش سبز گرفته‌ میشود دال بر اینکه‌ آنها همان مجریان و مدیران سابق جمهوری اسلامی ایران هستند، میگوید: “ما نباید نویسندگان این منشور را از این زاویه‌ بنگریم که‌ آنها نخست وزیر و رئیس پارلمان بوده‌اند و بگوییم که‌ تفاوتی با جریان حاکم ندارند. ما باید اینگونه‌ بیندیشیم که‌ جامعه‌ی ایران در حال تحول است و اکثر افرادی که‌ روزگاری کارگزار این رژیم بوده‌اند، اینک بدان اعتقاد ندارند”. دبیرکل حزب دمکرات کردستان در ارتباط با رخدادهای اخیر ایران ابراز داشت: “همینک جنبشی در ایران در جریان است، باید از این فرصت حسن استفاده‌ نماییم و توده‌های مردم کردستان باید بر اساس ظرفیت و قابلیت خویش و با شعارهای درخور و عملی در این جنبش شرکت نمایند و از این طریق بر دیگر منشورهای رهبران جنبش تاثیر بگذارند. ما اگر با جنبش همراهی بکنیم مطمئنا تاثیرگذار خواهیم بود، اگر هم در حاشیه‌ باشیم و به‌ قضایا به دیده‌ی سیاه‌ و سفید بنگریم و تصور کنیم آنها نیز باید بمانند ما بیاندیشند، دوباره‌ به‌ حاشیه‌ خواهیم رفت”. خالد عزیزی برای آنکه‌ کردها متضرر نشوند و بتوانند برحسب ثقل و توانمندیهای خود در معادلات آینده‌ی ایران سهیم باشند بر این تصور است که ‌”بهترین کار آن است که‌ ما باید با هم همصدا باشیم و بعنوان کرد در عرصه‌ی سیاسی ایران موضع واحدی اتخاذ کنیم”.

عمر ایلخانی زاده‌ دبیر اول کومله‌ی زحمتکشان کردستان هم در مصاحبه‌ی اختصاصی خود با (باس) در ارتباط با شعارهای جنبش سبز و مطالبات مردم ابراز داشت: “در دو سال اخیر بر همگان آشکار گشت که‌ شعارها و مطالبات بخش کثیری از معترضان و تظاهرکنندگان ایرانی با این منشور در تضاد است. من فکر میکنم جنش سبز که‌ متعلق به‌ اصلاح طلبان درون حکومتی است باید از جنبش دمکراسی خواهی منفک گردد، گرچه‌ در مخالفت با حاکمیت انحصارطلب وجه‌شباهتهایی دارند، اما اهداف و مطالبات واحدی ندارند و بویژه‌ برنامه‌های مختص به‌ آینده‌ی این دو جریان باهم متفاوت است”. ایشان پلاتفرم تازه‌ی جنبش سبز را از این منظر به‌ نقد می کشد که‌ این منشور به‌ ارزشهای دمکراسی اهمیت نداده‌ و همچنان خواهان حکومتی دینی است و بر این اعتقاد است که‌ ویراست دوم جنبش سبز چیزی برای ملیتهای ایران در چنته‌ ندارد و همان حرفهای منسوخ حاکمان ایرانی را بازگو میکند که‌ (قوم ایرانی هستند و بخشی از ملت ایران به‌ شمار میروند). نپذیرفتن وجود ملیتهای جداگانه‌ در ایران، فروپاشی یکی از ستونهایی است که‌ دمکراسی ایران میتواند بر آن استوار و تثبیت گردد”. ایلخانی زاده‌ بر این باور است که‌ “منشور دوم سبز آکنده‌ از نصایح و پندهای اخلاقی است و اینگونه‌ ابهام گوییها با هدف خدعه‌ و نیرنگ است. تنها در یکجا از حقوق بین المللی انسان صحبت به‌ میان آمده‌ است، بدون آنکه‌ از پذیرش ضمیمه‌های حقوق بشری صحبت کند، اینهم عمدی بوده‌ است تا برای مثال خود را به‌ حقوق زنان و حقوق ملیتها ملتزم نکنند. چراکه‌ اینگونه‌ حقوق بیشتر در ضمیمه‌ها و مکملهای حقوق بشری آمده‌ است”.

ایشان در خاتمه‌، دیدگاه‌ خود را در رابطه‌ با منشور دوم سبز اینگونه‌ بیان کرد: “تصور میکنم این منشور اگر بدنبال تحقق برخی اصلاحات در حاکمیت باشد، از چارچوب قوانین کنونی ایران تجاوز نخواهد کرد و در واقع خواستار جمهوری اسلامی به‌ اصطلاح اصلاح شده‌ است. این هم با دمکراسی و مبانی آن منافات دارد. هرگونه‌ توهمی در راستای ایجاد جمهوری اسلامی اصلاح شده‌ را به‌ زیان می بینم و این خود به‌ ایجاد موانع فراروی جبنش دمکراسی خواهی منجر خواهد شد. از همین رو من به‌اندازه‌ای‌ که‌ منشور دوم جنبش سبز و اصلاح طلبی اسلامی را برضد‌ حاکمیت انحصارطلب میبینم، به‌ همان اندازه‌ بیشتر هم آنرا علیه‌ استقرار و تثبیت دمکراسی در ایران تلقی میکنم و این جای پشتیبانی ندارد”.

مصطفی هجری دبیرکل حزب دمکرات کردستان ایران در مقاله‌ای تحت عنوان “در بر همان پاشنه‌ی خود می چرخد” با دیدگاهی منفی به‌ این منشور می نگرد و بر این تصور است که‌ “انتشار متن کامل نسخه‌ی دوم منشور جنبش سبز به‌ مفهوم بی توجهی به‌ خواستهای جوانان تظاهرکننده‌ی ایرانی است و ابراز میدارد که‌ این منشور بیشتر به‌ ” جملات عوام پسند و پارادوکسیکال” مزین شده‌ است و بدون آنکه‌ به‌ ناکارآمدی و ناتوانی نظام اعتراف نماید، بیهوده‌ درصدد آن است که‌ اصل نظام را از هرگونه‌ کم و کاستی مبرا نماید و آن همه‌ فساد گسترده‌، تبعیض و سیه‌ روزیهایی که‌ این رژیم برای مردم ایران و منطقه‌ به‌ ارمغان آورده‌ است را در گرایش میل توتالیتاریستی و انحصارطلبی برخی از مسئولان حکومتی خلاصه‌ نماید”. ایشان اینگونه‌ موسوی و کروبی را به‌ باد انتقاد می دهد: “اینک این آغایان بفرمایند ‌ زمانی که‌ (دین رسمی ایران، اسلام است و مذهب هم جعفر دوازده‌ امامی است و این اصل برای همیشه‌ تغییرناپذیر است) چگونه‌ آزادی و عدالت اجتماعی را در چارچوب این ماده‌ی قانونی تامین میکنند؟ نسخه‌ی منشور ادعا میکند که‌ ر‌‌أی و مطالبات مردم مأخذ و مرجع مشروعیت حاکمیت سیاسی است) در حالیکه‌ در قانون اساسی آمده‌ است (مجلس ایران نمیتواند قانونی را وضع نماید که‌ با اصول و احکام مذهب رسمی کشور منافات داشته‌ باشد) پرسش آن است که‌ اگر رأی و خواست نمایندگان مردم بر این مبنا بود که‌ قوانینی را وضع کنند که‌‌ با مبانی و احکام رسمی کشور منافات داشته‌ باشد، یا اگر مردم خواستند که‌ ایجاد موسسات و بنیادهای سیاسی کشور بر مبنای درک ایدئولوژیکی نباشند، آنهنگام چه‌ باید کرد؟ آیا مطالبات مردم مرجع خواهد بود؟ هجری در ارتباط با بی توجهی به‌ حقوق ملیتهای ایران در منشور فوق الذکر بر این تصور است که‌ در سطوری که‌ منشور بدنبال جلب اقلیتهای مذهبی و ملی است، همین جمله‌ کافی است (تلاش جهت احقاق حقوق قانونی و احترام اخلاقی به‌ اقلیتهای دینی، مذهبی و قومی) که‌ بسیار تأسفبار است، چراکه‌ این جمله‌ بجای تضمین حقوق این گروهها، بیشتر در پی رفع تکلیف از حقوق تضییع شده‌ی آنهاست و بنظر نمیرسد با این نوع برخوردها اقلیتهای دینی، مذهبی و ملی را به‌ شرکت در حکومت آتی ایران امیدوار نمود”. هجری در مورد رویکرد کنونی سران جنبش سبز بر این باور است که‌ آنها با در پیش گرفتن چنین سیاستی، از هوادارن خویش بیشتر فاصله‌ میگیرند چراکه‌ “جنبش آسیبهای ایران را نه‌ در نقش و عملکرد افراد، بلکه‌ در تمامیت نظام می بیند”.

زاگروس خسروی نماینده‌ی کومله‌ی انقلابی زحمتکشان کردستان ایران که‌ در غیاب عبدالله‌ مهتدی دبیرکل حزب، سخاوتمندانه‌ به‌ پرسشهای “باس” پاسخ داد، همچو خالد عزیزی بر این تصور است که‌” ضروری است سران جنبش و وضعیت کنونی آنها را مدنظر داشت و این جنبش همچنان زنده‌ و پویا است و نمیتوان از آنها توقع داشت که‌ کلیه‌ی خواستهای ملت کرد را مطرح نمایند”. ایشان که‌ حزب متبوعش قبل از انتخابات ریاست جمهوری خواهان تحریم انتخابات بود، اما بدنبال شکل گیری اعتراضات با جنبش سبز همصدا شدند، در مورد ابعاد منفی این منشور اینگونه‌ بیان میدارد:”همچنانکه‌ در پلاتفرم آمده‌ است میتوان دوباره‌ آنرا مورد ارزیابی و بازبینی قرار داد و همچنین نویسندگان آن بجای بکارگیری کلمه‌ی امت که‌ در طول حاکمیت جمهوری اسلامی به‌ کار رفته‌ کلمه‌ی ملت را استعمال کرده‌اند”. خسروی در خاتمه‌ دیدگاه‌ خود را اینگونه‌ بیان میکند:” البته‌ هیچکدام از بندهای پلاتفرم بخودیخود به‌ مورد اجرا درنمی آید. تا جایی هم که‌ به‌ جنبش کردستان مربوط است، نخستین گام این جنبش نشست مشترک و همکاری جهت تدوین پلاتفرمی ملی و ارائه‌ی آن به‌ جنبش آزادیخواهی و دمکراتیک مردم ایران و البته‌ حمایت از منشور جنبش سبز است”.

وتو ويژي تايبه تى ده نگي كوردستان له ئه مريكا له كه ل دوكتور سامان شالي

وتو ويژي تايبه تى ده نگي كوردستان له ئه مريكا له كه ل دوكتور سامان شالي

Jun 15, 2010

وتو ويژي تايبه تى ده نگي كوردستان له ئه مريكا له كه ل دوكتور سامان شالي، راويژ كاري كار و باري سياسي . سه روكي پيشوي كونگره ى نه ته وىي كورد له ئه مريكاى باكور ، له سه ر وه زعي سياسي و ئابوري هه ريمي كورديستان، هه ل بژارده نه كاني پارليماني له عيراق، به ره ي يه كگرتوي كورد، ليستي گوران و بو چوني لايه نه كاني ده سه لاتدار له هه ريمي كورديستان سه بارت به ره وتي ديمو كراسي خوازي له م هه ريمه دا.
خاتو سوره يا فه لاح بو ده نگي كوردستان له ئه مريكا
ئه م ويديو يه ١١ خوله

تكايه له بير وراي خوتان له ريگاي اي ميل ژيره وه ئاگادارمان كه ن

The Kurds and the Green Movement

The Kurds and the Green Movement


FRIEDA AFARY (translator)
07 Jun 2010
Translator’s note: On May 9, five political prisoners were executed by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Four of these prisoners were Kurds, including the young teacher, poet and writer, Farzad Kamangar, and a young woman, Shirin Alamhouli. Following these executions, a general strike took place in Iranian Kurdistan on May 13. Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi and many Green Movement activists also condemned the executions.
Three months prior to the May 9 executions, Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary general of the Kurdish Komala Party, had issued a statement aimed at forging solidarity between the Kurds and the Green Movement. Large translated excerpts follow. My glosses are interpolated in square brackets. –Frieda AfaryThe Kurdish people have never called for violence to solve social and political problems. Today, more than ever, they refuse such solutions. Let’s not forget that the good will of the Kurds and their belief in dialog and peaceful solutions have time and again cost them the lives of their leaders.Dr. Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou, a famous Kurdish leader, lost his life while he was engaged in negotiations. Why? Because the “negotiators” of the Islamic Republic suddenly turned out to be terrorists. They personally murdered him and his accompanying negotiating team in the heart of Europe. [Reference to the assassination of the leader of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, and two other Kurdish delegates in Vienna on July 13, 1989.]We demand a free and democratic civil society in which social and political problems are resolved through freely conducted discussions in the media, in society and ultimately through the ballot box. We demand a tolerant and pluralist society in which religious, linguistic, cultural and philosophical diversity is not a pretext for prejudice, repression and deprivation but the source for the richness and beauty of our country.

In particular, I would like to address the young generation of our country, the awakened generation which is courageously standing up to dictatorship, the generation which is soberly inspecting the imposed presuppositions of the past several decades. I would like to share some realities about Kurdistan with them.

One of the most obvious lies of the Islamic Republic concerns Kurdistan and the Kurdish people. These lies must be questioned and re-examined by you. The generation that has tested the lies and malicious propaganda of this regime must know that the Kurds have been bombarded by the regime’s propaganda for the past 30 years.

During the past 30 years, the Kurds have faced the dictatorship and brutal suppression which you face today in the streets and detention centers. The justice-seeking, freedom-loving and humanitarian demands, which you have today, have been theirs as well.

A regime which has branded you as “enemies of God” because of your demands, has declared the people of Kurdistan to be “enemies of God” for the past 30 years. [This designation] has been used as a pretext for imprisoning and torturing Kurds or putting them in front of execution squads without any recourse.

Do you know how many young Kurdish women were raped in the “luminous era” of the Islamic Republic? They were raped by the “unknown soldiers of the Mahdi” in order to not be sent to paradise as virgins. Do you know how many were executed or hanged without any court of justice or due process?

Kurdistan was decimated. Families lost loved ones. Imprisonment, exile and deportation became the norm. Parties that had roots in the history, struggles and hearts of the Kurdish nation were remunerated with the bullet or the scaffold. The real reason for the siege of Kurdistan and its demolition with tanks was not any violence or beheadings committed by the Kurds, or any Kurdish collaboration with foreigners, or any other outright lie fabricated by the regime. It was the fact that the Kurdish people did not participate in the referendum on the Islamic Republic. [A referendum on creating an Islamic Republic was held in Iran on March 29-30, 1979. The people were offered a simple yes or no vote on the formation of an Islamic Republic.] The reason for their non-participation was that the Kurdish movement and its political organizations were secular and democracy-seeking. They were not willing to be subsumed by a monopolizing fundamentalist political Islam.

In the beginning of the revolution, when not only the clergy but today’s religious revisionists were smitten by the government of religion, Shaikh Izz al-Din Husayni, the vanguard of religious revisionism in Kurdistan and the religious and spiritual leader of the Kurdish people, openly called for the separation of religion from state. He defended democracy, the rights of dissidents and equal rights for women. Did you know that? Did you know that we took a position against the hoopla over the takeover of the U.S. Embassy at the very time it occurred, and called it a weapon for leading the dissidents astray and subsequently suppressing them? [In December 1979, a group of Ayatollah Khomeini’s followers took over the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and held 52 American staff members hostage until January 1981. Many progressive critics of the regime supported the hostage taking as an “anti-imperialist” act. The regime used the embassy takeover to divert attention from growing domestic repression.]

Did you know that there was no compulsory veiling and no Hezbollah organizing in free Kurdistan? Political and cultural organizations mushroomed everywhere. There was press freedom, and guaranteed security for all. Did you know that back then, Kurdistan had turned into a haven for freedom seekers from every corner of Iran?

Yes indeed, those wielding power and wealth in the Islamic Republic, hold a grudge against Kurdistan for the above reasons. They could not tolerate the presence of freedom in Kurdistan. That is why they have been crushing Kurdistan with bullets and fire since August 17, 1979.

Do not believe the lies of the Islamic Republic concerning the people of Kurdistan. The lies of the rulers and the regime’s media are not limited to the past six months. For the past 30 years, we have been suffering not only from direct violence and suppression but also from the weight of a mountain of false and divisive accusations. Discard the predominant superstitions concerning the Kurds. Update your views on the people of Kurdistan and their demands.

Let me add that we have never capitulated during these dark decades. We have not genuflected but we have also never resorted to blind and terrorist tit for tats. We have kept our moral high ground vis-à-vis the enemies of freedom. Today’s young generation needs to know that in Kurdistan, young people have lost their lives, but they did not capitulate. Many defiant heads were beheaded. The picture of the mass executions of Kurds, a picture which won the most prestigious award for best photo of the year, did not only prove the brutality of the soldiers of the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, it also made everlasting the image of the pride and honorable resistance of the people of Kurdistan. [Reference to the picture of a firing squad in Kurdistan in August 1979, taken by Iranian photographer Jahangir Razmi. It won an anonymous Pulitzer Prize in 1980 (above).]

Today’s young generation in Kurdistan fully believes in the popular political and civil struggle, and is ready to join hands with you for our common freedom. Let us comprehend each other better in order to forge a stronger unity of youth throughout Iran for freedom and prosperity.

The demands of the Kurdish people in the past few decades have not been unknown, ambiguous, unusual or unjust. During the first few years after the revolution, these demands were presented to the delegations of the Islamic Republic by representative councils of the Kurdish nation.

The people of Kurdistan do not demand special rights or benefits for themselves. They do not demand separation from Iran. Their demands are not outside the common framework of contemporary democratic regimes and recognized standards of human rights. The people of Kurdistan rightly demand that the effective leaders and political and cultural figures of the Green Movement and the practical activists of the movement, approve and support the demands of the people of Kurdistan, and in so doing allay their rather legitimate fears.

A new understanding of the history of the past 30 years is being shaped in many areas, and former false and misleading interpretations have been replaced by objective and clear interpretations. It is expected that writers who are effective in shaping public discourse, will further explore and discuss the conditions of the people of Kurdistan and what has happened to them.

Once again, I would like to express my solidarity with the democracy-seeking movement of the people of Iran and support the minimum demands of the movement (i.e. free elections), as well as immediate demands such as stopping executions and brutality, freeing all political prisoners and prisoners promoting various belief systems, freedom of speech, assembly, and association, as preconditions for a truly free election. I would like to warn against the danger of conciliation aimed at silencing the movement and the loud voices of the people who demand changing the political system of the country.

Once again, I would like to emphasize that the Kurdish people have suffered the most from dictatorship. They stand to gain much from the democratization of Iran. Therefore, any achievement of the popular movement against dictatorship will be warmly supported by them.

In conclusion, I consider it necessary to list the following as my understanding of the minimum demands of the people of Kurdistan. I hope that under the present circumstances, these demands will become the basis for unity within the popular justice-seeking movement in Kurdistan.

1. The annulment of execution orders, and in general, an end to political executions in Kurdistan. Freedom for all political prisoners and prisoners promoting various belief systems.

2. The dismantling of the repressive environment in Kurdistan. An end to the brutality of the military, security and police forces. An end to arbitrary arrests and any type of torture and abuse in prison. An end to arbitrary harassment, intrusions and searches conducted by government agents in Kurdistan. An end to the irresponsible shootings of civilians by the police.

3. Freedom of speech, publication, press, association, assembly.

4. Freedom for civil organizations such as trade unions and organizations of workers, teachers, university students, high school students, and non-governmental organizations.

5. Freedom for independent women’s organizations in Kurdistan, and organizations that strive for women’s equal rights. Freedom to choose one’s clothing.

6. Complete freedom for political activity in Kurdistan, including unconditional freedom for activities of Kurdish political parties.

January 25, 2010

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As a concerned Iranian I would like for you to be a little more detailed about your statement,”complete freedom for political activity in Kurdistan, including unconditional freedom for activities of Kurdish political parties.” What are these activities that you are after?
I do not see anything wrong for people to be in charge of their own destiny, but can you assure all Iranians that a free Kurdistan will remain a loyal province of Iran, that all Kurdish people will be taught the official language of Iran (Persian) along with the Kurdish language and all Kurdish people remain loyal to our sacred flag (not the flag of the Barbaric Republic)?
God bless the brave Kurdistan.

Niloofar / June 10, 2010 5:24 AM

To Niloofar

The Kurdish revolt with the formation of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in 1945 has never been fighting for seperatism, rather for democracy for Iran and autonomy for Kurdistan. The separatists were in Turkey and Iraq, which I hope for your own sake you understand. In Turkey you cannot be anything but a Turk, thus being Kurd and Turk is in conflict, being Iranian and Kurd doesn’t conflict with each other.

However, if the people of Iranian Kurdistan want independence, that’s their right to work for that through democratic means. Who are you to deny them that? Have you been protecting the Kurdish regions for hundreds of years? No.

But in general I think the Kurds would rather stay part of a federal Iran; and don’t worry about the languages; farsi and kurdi will be taught.

Second, we have our own Zoroastrian flag and that should hang along with a new Iran flag, like in Quebec, Canada or Catalonia, Spain.

This is called democracy. We do not want a new Persian chavaunist.

Note: The Kurdish mission is not as much about seperation of states as it is about unifying Kurdistan. If you’d like to help include iraqi and turkish Kurdistan to federal Iran, be my guest.

Afshin / June 10, 2010 6:25 PM

Thank you for your response.
I am quite familiar with Turkey, but do not know too much about Iraq’s Kurdistan.
You claim, “if the people of Iranian Kurdistan want independence, that’s their right to work for that through democratic means.”
That is not their right. Iran’s Kurdistan is a part of Iran which belongs to all Iranians and that makes it a question for the people of Iran.

Who am I? One Iranian with one vote and I can assure you I will vote against it as I have no doubt the majority of Iranians will stand by me on this matter.

To have a falg representative of Iranian Kurdistan is fine just as in the United States each state has its own flag however, those flags fly second to the national flag and for a good reason.

All Iranians have suffered. There is no one group of Iranians that has anything over others. We are all in it together for a free and democratic Iran.

As for a Federal Iran or a new Iranian flag, that is a matter for the Iranian people. You and I have one vote each and don’t you forget it. That is who I am.

Niloofar / June 10, 2010 11:20 PM

i have no problem for uniting the kurd with green movement,my husband is from kurdish tribe,but he always considers himself first and iranian then kurd.if all the provinces of iran all of the sudden claim for their autonomy,iran will be divided and that would be just fine for one of the senators in the us senate mrs harmon ,that early on suggested to divide iran.
these are not times for conflict and seperation,rather ,time for cohesiveness and strenght.

fay moghtader / June 11, 2010 7:06 AM

The people of the world want decentralization. Kurds want to be governed by Kurds and californians want to be governed by califorians. etc.

It doesn’t really matter what the rest of Iran would like to impose on the minority Kurds. It doesn’t matter what idiotic flag is used. The Kurds will govern themselves.

muhammad billy bob / June 12, 2010 3:34 AM

Billy the Bob will set a good example for the rest of the world and will kindly return California, New Mexico etc. back to Mexico since it does not matter what silly idiotic flags fly high in those states. Hispanics will govern themselves. We got it Billy boy, you #1 boy.

Niloofar / June 12, 2010 10:17 PM


Absolutely! Only Californians, and New Mexicans care who governs them. I certainly do not. And it certainly doesn’t matter what silly piece of cloth flies high in those states.

Muhammad billy bob / June 15, 2010 6:07 PM


Your statement that Iran’s portion of kurdistan belongs to all the people of Iran is quite disturbing. In fact, it shows you’re disregard of understanding of personal liberty.

Why should the Kurds let the rest of Iran vote on their autonomy? These are the same people who’ve been forcing them into this union at gunpoint for many, many years.

It’s is not up to the “Iranians” to decide the fate of Kurds. It is to the Kurds who should decide who governs them. And they will. Over time they will. Like all other humans on this planet, they desire to have their own intrest represtented in their own governance.
So, try as you will, and the rest of Iran will, Kurdistan will govern itself.

muhammad billy bob / June 16, 2010 11:18 PM

Billy the Bob,

You are such a liberal and generous person. We really need a Moooohammad billy bob to tell us how to run our country. Why don’t you chop up the United States into 50 silly little states in the name of personal liberty and leave Iran alone? Do you read with your eyes closed? I said, “I do not see anything wrong for people to be in charge of their own destiny.” In the United States you have 50 self-governing states but all under one federal flag/government. What is the matter with it? Are there no personal freedoms in U.S.? Why don’t you go and focus on Iraq and Afghanistan and clean up your own mess while you are at it? Leave our country alone. Iranian Kurdistan is a part of Iran proper and belongs to all Iranians just as every inch of the United States belongs to all Americans. We wouldn’t have it any other way.

Niloofar / June 17, 2010 10:23 AM


It’s great that you don’t see anything wrong with people choosing their own destiny. But how is letting people outside of the Kurdish region vote to decide their fate allowing them to decide their own destiny?

Iranians, of course, should run their own country. But, you guys don’t seem to be doing such a great job at running your own country. I’m just trying to give a little realistic and humanistic advice.

All of America does not “belong” to me. Just as all of “Iran” does not belong to you, or any other Iranian. I have no right to tell my neighbor what school to go to, what crops to grow, if they can put a coal mine on their property, etc., etc. As long as it doesn’t affect my property, it has nothing to do with me.

Why does it bother you that only those that live in the Kurdish region should vote for Kurdish independendce? if you’re going to let the rest of Iran vote for what’s best for them, why not let Virginians in on the vote, or Ukranians?

Every inch of any country does not, and cannot belong to everyone in that country. It has been proven time, and time again, that such beliefs and those that have attempted to force such things are complete failures.

Finally, why don’t I focus on Iraq and Afganistan, and clean up my own mess? #1)these countries are not my mess. I have absolutely nothing to do with these adventures by the U.S. government. Just as, I’m sure, you have nothing to do with the murders the Iranian government has committed. And yes, I do focus on these issues. I have spent countless hours, and untold fortune trying to change U.S. policy regarding these adventures. What are you doing?

muhammad billy bob / June 18, 2010 9:51 PM

Hey Niloohoor,
How are you? Good, I hope.

I do not really consider myself liberal. Maybe liberal in the classical sense of John Locke and the Enlightened era philosophers.
As far as generous, I’m as generous as the next person. In as far as that generousity is benefital to me. As we both know humans act in their own self\ intrest. For the most part it is very benefitial to be kind and generous to your fellow humans. Whether that generousity makes me feel better about my self, or that generousity is an effort to assure others that I mean them no harm.

It is rather odd that you mentioned being liberal and generous. These are the 2 groups around the world that the Iranian government and the people that support and populate that government seem to want to alienate as much as possible.

The U.S. left, or liberals, in the modern terminology, is a demographic that the Iranian regime, and Islamist in general should want to befriend. Instead, what does the Iranian regime do? They arrest and imprison for months,3 idiot hippies from Berkley, who are hiking on the Iran-Iraq border. The Iranian government obviously does not realize that these type of people could be their greatest supporters and assets. Do the people in the Iranian regime, or those that support Islamic law globally, bother to attract supporters?

Given just half a chance, the U.S. left would be sending money and fanatical utopians their way en masse to help them suppress the non believers. Yet they choose to alientate these people every chance they can……..Maybe that’s why no one (other than Iranians) can take these people as serious opponants to liberty globally.

muhammad billy bob / June 20, 2010 3:33 AM

@billybob; what exactly is the relevance of three “hippies”, who for all we know could indeed have been spies, or, whose arrest could have been meant to serve as a bargaining chip in some ongoing affair? characterizing and evaluatig the success of Islamic Iran’s whole global strategy against this mere example (of which little is publicly known to boot), smacks of incompetence. in the meantime, Islamic Iran is indeed reaching out to, and consolidating ties with a great many social and political figures / movements around the world. that is why the Washington regime is spending hundreds of millions of US taxpayer money every year in a desperate catch-up attempt to drive wedges between Iran and its allies through propaganda and manipulation. but to little avail: the end of the US empire is inching closer at a rate well faster than its assorted apologists seem to assume.

as for the suggestion that it “wouldn’t matter” to Washington D.C. if federated state entities proceeded to declare their independence one by one, flying their own flags above or instead of that of the union… well, when several southern states tried to do just that, we all know the US government needed a bloody civil war to get rid of the secessionist rebels. nowadays the totalitarian US regime might have means of social control far more subtle and “evolved”, enabling it to forestall such scenarios preemptively, thanks to indirect media control and the ensuing massive brainwashing of the population. were socio-political conditions different however, the US would not hesitate to crush any secessionist move with utmost brutality.

arrogant powers such as the current Washington regime use notions such as “human rights” or “self-governance” in a highly selective manner, so as to serve their agendas. their ways, thus, qualify as double-standarded, unjust, indeed oppressive. the arrogant powers will never manage to destroy the Iranian society through the backing of regional separatisms, because the concerned people share a common Iranian and Islamic identity, and would never allow tribalism, ethnicism or other forms of sectarianism to threaten the national unity and territorial integrity of Iran. that includes the great majority of Kurdish-speaking Iranian citizens, who remain loyal to Islam and Iran. separatist grouplets are simply tools in the hands of the declared enemies of Islam and Iran, nothing more.

Muslim Iranian / July 3, 2010 6:10 AM

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