Monthly Archives: June 2014

Iran: Kurdish woman losing sight in Iranian prison: Zeynab Jalalian

Document – Iran: Kurdish woman losing sight in Iranian prison: Zeynab Jalalian

2e0c4-amnesty-internationalUA: 151/14 Index: MDE 13/033/2014 Iran Date: 16 June 2014


KURDISH WOMAN losing sight in Iranian prison

Zeynab Jalalian, a member of Iranian’s Kurdish minority, currently serving a life sentence in Kermanshah Prison, western Iran, is at risk of losing her eyesight and she is in urgent need of medical care.

Zeynab Jalalian has had eye problems for a number of years, possibly as a result of beatings she received during interrogations by the Iranian authorities. Her health situation has worsened and she may be losing her eyesight. On 8 April, she was transferred to the prison clinic in handcuffs and shackles to receive treatment for her eyes, but the prison authorities have repeatedly refused to allow her access to an eye specialist outside of Kermanshah Prison. It is not clear whether the prison clinic is able to provide Zeynab Jalalian with the medical care she requires.

Zeynab Jalalian was sentenced to death for “enmity against God” (moharebeh) in January 2009 by the Kermanshah Revolutionary Court for her alleged membership of Party For Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK) , an armed Kurdish opposition group. Before that she had spent eight months in pre-trial detention in a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility, where she says she was tortured. She was not granted access to a lawyer during her trial, which she says lasted only a few minutes. Zeynab Jalalian death sentence was commuted and reduced to life imprisonment in late November 2011.

Zeynab Jalalian’s family have not been able to visit her for more than a year and they are only allowed to have two minute phone conversations with her once a week. Zeynab Jalalian formally requested prison leave in January 2014, but she has said that the Iranian authorities have asked her to do a forced televised “confession”, which may be a prerequisite for prison leave but she has refused to do so.

Zeinab_JalalianjPlease write immediately in Persian, Arabic, English or your own language:

Calling on the Iranian authorities to ensure that Zeynab Jalalian is protected from torture and other ill-treatment; and is granted all necessary medical treatment she may require, including treatment at a medical facility outside the prison if required;

Urging the authorities to allow her regular visits from her family;

Urging that she is granted a re-trial that complies with international standards for fair trial and to disregard any evidence obtained under torture or other ill-treatment;


Leader of the Islamic Republic

Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei

The Office of the Supreme Leader

Islamic Republic Street- End of Shahid KeshvarDoust Street

Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran

Twitter: @khamenei_ir


Salutation: Your Excellency

Head of the Judiciary

Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani

c/o Public Relations Office

Number 4, 2 Azizi Street intersection

Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran

(Subject line: FAO

Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani)

Salutation: Your Excellency

And copies to:

President of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Hassan Rouhani

The Presidency

Pasteur Street, Pasteur Square

Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran


Twitter: @HassanRouhani (English) and @Rouhani_ir (Persian)�

Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. Please insert local diplomatic addresses below:

Name Address 1 Address 2 Address 3 Fax Fax number Email Email address Salutation Salutation

Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.


KURDISH WOMAN losing sight in Iranian prison

ADditional Information

In June 2012 she had at least one medical procedure on one of her eyes in a private clinic outside of prison which her family paid for.

In July 2012, Zeynab Jalalian’s lawyer, Mohammad Sharif, stated that his client’s physical and mental health was in a “critical state” and that her medical condition required urgent medical care. Zeynab Jalalian had also suffered from bleeding in her bowls, which may have resulted from frequent hunger strikes; and her vision has been impaired, possibly as a result of blows to her head during interrogation. She was transferred to Dizel Abad Prison’s clinic on 11 April 2012 due to an infection of the bowels but Amnesty International understands that the prison clinic does not have sufficient medical facilities to fully treat Zeynab Jalalian’s conditions.

On 5 July 2010, Mohammad Sharif and Zeynab Jalalian’s brother met with the Tehran Prosecutor who agreed for her to be transferred to Kermanshah Central Prison as her trial and sentencing had taken place there. This transfer has made it easier for her family to visit her, although it still takes about 18 hours by bus for them to reach Kermanshah from their home.

Kurds, who are one of Iran’s many minority groups, live mainly in the west and north-west of the country, in the province of Kordestan and neighbouring provinces bordering Kurdish areas of Turkey and Iraq. They experience religious, economic and cultural discrimination. For many years, Kurdish organizations such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI) and the Marxist group, Komala, conducted armed struggle against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Party for Free Life of Kurdistan (known by its Kurdish acronym PJAK), formed in 2004, says it aims to establish in Iran a “democratic system in which all citizens: Iranians, Kurds, Azarbaijanis, Baluch, Turkmans, Arabs and all other ethnic groups within the framework of the democratic system can govern themselves”. It has carried out armed attacks against Iranian security forces, but declared a unilateral ceasefire in 2009.

Name: Zeynab Jalalian

Gender m/f: f

UA: 151/14 Index: MDE 13/033/2014 Issue Date: 16 June 2014

مراسم بزرگداشت شخصیت حقوقی ،سیاسی و اجتماعی کرد آقای صارم الدین صادق وزیری , فرانکفورت آلمان

مراسم بزرگداشت شخصیت حقوقی ،سیاسی و اجتماعی کرد آقای صارم الدین صادق وزیری


فرانکفورت آلمان

مراسم بزرگداشت صارم الدین صادق وزیری- قسمت اول

مراسم بزرگداشت صارم الدین صادق وزیری- قسمت دوم


سخنان آقای صادق وزیری در مراسم تقدیر از ایشان



پیام سیاسی صارم‌الدین صادق‌وزیری خطاب به فعالان سیاسی کُرد در تمام بخش‌های کردستان

خواهران و برادران گرامی؛
یکی از علل عدم موفقیت جنبش‌های رهایی‌بخش کردستان، علی‌رغم پیکارهای دلاورانه و تلاش‌های مستمر این بوده است که این پیکارها، هم در بعد زمانی و هم در بعد مکانی، هر بار در گوشه‌ای از کردستان صورت گرفته است و پیکارگران از استعانت برادرانشان در بخش‌های دیگر کردستان محروم بوده‌اند، و مهم‌تر از آن به جهت استقرار رژیم‌های سرکوبگر و دیکتاتوری، انتقال تجارب هر نسل پیکارگر به نسل بعدی میسر نبوده است و لذا هر نسل مجبور شده است در تمام زمینه‌ها قدم به قدم و با ابتکار خود، تلاش و پیکار را آغاز کند و بدین جهت، هم از نظر زمانی و هم از لحاظ صرف نیرو و انرژی، مدت نسبتا طولانی را صرف تهیه مقدمات و سازماندهی کند و چه بسا فرصت‌های بسیار مغتنم را از دست بدهد.
با توجه به این مقدمات، در این عصر که شاهد پیشرفت‌های حیرت‌‌انگیز از نظر وسایل ارتباط جمعی و خبررسانی هستیم؛ انتقال تجارب علی‌رغم تضیقیات سرکوبگرانه‌ی رژیم‌های سرکوبگر، امکان‌پذیر شده است.
نگارنده این سطور با وقوف به این حقایق، از آنجا که سالیان دراز درگیر مبارزات آزادی‌خواهانه و یا شاهد آن بوده است؛ وظیفه خود می‌داند که حاصل تجارب خود را در اختیار فعالان نسل حاضر و سازمان‌های سیاسی درگیر در پیکار اجتماعی بگذارد. چنین است حاصل این تجارب به گونه‌ای موجز و بدون طول و تفصیل که مقتضای این مجلس است؛
1. منبع فیاض و لایزال توان و نیروی هر سازمان سیاسی، پایگاه مردمی آن است و پایگاه مردمی میسر نمی‌شود مگر اینکه فعالان سیاسی پیوندهای خود را با توده‌های زحمتکش هرچه بیشتر گسترده‌تر سازند. فعالان سیاسی باید در فعالیت‌های روزمره، دل‌مشغولی توده‌ها را به درستی دریابند و ارضای همین دل‌مشغولی‌ها را به شعارهای تاکتیکی خود مبدل سازند. فعالان سیاسی در پیوند با توده‌ها باید به معنای واقعی متواضع باشند. و هیچ‌گاه با اعتبار اینکه عضو این یا آن سازمان می‌باشند، نباید در لباس آمر و معلم جلوه‌گر شوند؛ اگر چنین کنند توده‌ها به صورت دیگری به آنان نگاه می‌کنند و اعتمادشان نسبت به آنان متزلزل می‌گردد.
بدیهی است رهبری سازمان‌های سیاسی باید در هر مرحله از مبارزه در هر مقطع، تحلیل دقیق و علمی بر مبنای شناخت دقیق عوامل عینی و ذهنی و فضای حاکم بر جامعه و مرحله‌ی تاریخی آن، به صورت ساده و قابل فهم، تدوین و انتشار دهند و توده‌ها را دچار خلاء ذهنی نسازند.
2. تشخیص درست متحد استراتژیکی یا تاکتیکی هر سازمان سیاسی از اهمیت درجه اول برخوردار است. در مرحله‌ی تاریخی کنونی، با در نظر گرفتن شرایط اجتماعی و سیاسی حاکم بر بخش‌های مختلف کردستان، متحد استراتژیک هر سازمان سیاسی کُرد، سازمان‌های سیاسی کُرد در بخش‌های دیگر کردستان می‌‌باشد. لذا وظیفه‌ی مبرم رهبری سازمان‌های سیاسی کُرد است که با شناخت دقیق و عینی ‌از سازمان‌های سیاسی در بخش‌های دیگر کردستان، در درجه‌ی اول زمینه‌ی ارتباط نزدیک برای مبادله‌ی اطلاعات بین خود و آن سازمان‌ها را فراهم سازند، به گونه‌ای که صرف‌نظر از وسایل ارتباط جمعی، به طور خصوصی نیز تبادل اطلاعات مربوط به رویدادهای روزمره‌ی مبارزاتی تامین گردد و به تدریج در سایر زمینه‌ها نیز تبادل اطلاعات و مشاوره صورت پذیرد. توجه به تاریخ مبارزات گذشته و نهضت‌های آزادی‌بخش کردستان نشان‌دهنده‌ی این واقعیت است که انزوای سیاسی و عدم استفاده از همدردی و اشتراکات ملی، بزرگ‌ترین نقاط ضعف این مبارزات بوده است که منتهی به شکست و ناکامی گردیده است. عدم توجه به این مهم موجب مسوولیت این یا آن سازمان است و هیچ‌گاه قابل گذشت نخواهد بود.
3. رهبران سازمان‌ها و احزاب کُردی درباره‌ی روابط با دولت‌هایی که کُردها در آن به سر می‌برند، باید نهایت احتیاط را مرعی دارند، تنها رابطه‌ی قابل توجیه مربوط است به مساله‌ی عبور و مرور از مرزها، خصوصا انتقال بیماران و مجروحان برای مداوا. دریافت کمک، خاصه کمک مالی نادرست و غیرمشروع است؛ زیرا اتکای به چنین کمک‌هایی، اعتماد به نفس رهبران و کادرها را از بین می‌برد، به علاوه تردیدی نیست که آن دولت‌ها در ازای کمک مالی، انتظاراتی دارند که سرانجام منتهی به از دست دادن استقلال عمل این سازمان‌ها می‌گردد.
4. ملت بدون حافظه‌ی تاریخی وجود ندارد. تدوین و انتقال حافظه‌ی تاریخی کُرد، وظیفه‌ی مبرم رهبری هر سازمان سیاسی کُرد است. شکست‌ها و ناکامی‌ها، پیروزی‌ها و افتخارات کُرد، در طول تاریخ پر نشیب و فراز کردستان باید به طور دقیق، مدون و منتشر گردد. و تنها از این طریق است که از تاریخ و گذشت روزگار پند گرفته می‌شود و از تکرار خطاها و اشتباهات جلوگیری خواهد شد.
5. پشتیبانی از هرگونه جنبش‌های دموکراتیک در هریک از چهار کشوری که کُردها در آن به سر می‌برند، وظیفه‌ی مبرم و غیرقابل اجتناب احزاب و سازمان‌های کُردی است. همچنین احزاب و سازمان‌های کُردی باید هرگونه عملیات سرکوبگرانه بر علیه اقلیت‌های قومی و مذهبی و عقیدتی را قویا محکوم کنند و مجدانه بر علیه این قبیل عملیات، افشاگری و مبارزه کنند؛ به گونه‌ای که سازمان‌های کُردی به قائمه‌ی مبارزات دموکراتیک و آزادی‌خواهانه مبدل شوند، برعکس سازمان‌ها و احزاب کُردی نباید با سازمان‌های واپس‌گرا تحت هیچ عنوان، وحدت عمل و همکاری داشته باشند.
6. سازمان‌ها و احزاب کُردی در جریان مبارزات سیاسی و اجتماعی باید موازین و قواعد اخلاقی را مراعات کنند. تجربه نشان داده است احزابی که رهبرانشان موازین اخلاقی را زیر پا گذاشته‌اند، سرانجامی جز فلاکت و ادبار نداشته‌اند، اقشار زحمت‌کش این قبیل احزاب و رهبرانشان را غیرقابل اعتماد می‌دانند و از آنان روی برمی‌گردانند.
7. احزاب و سازمان‌های کُردی باید در جریان مبارزات و نیز در مطبوعات و انتشارات خود عفت کلام را رعایت کنند، ناسزاگویی و فحاشی و ایراد اتهامات بی مورد، در شان مبارزات حق‌طلبانه و شرافتمندانه نیست.
8. انتقاد و انتقاد از خود، از وظایف ارگان‌های هر سازمان دموکراتیک در تمام سطوح است. بنابراین احزاب و سازمان‌های کُردی باید در اساسنامه و مرامنامه‌ی خود جای شایانی به این امر بدهند، به گونه‌ای که اجرای مرتب آن در هر مقطع بحرانی تضمین گردد. و تخلف از اجرای آن را مستوجب مجازات بدانند. انتقاد و انتقاد از خود به صورت جدی از بروز هرگونه انشعاب جلوگیری خواهد کرد و انسجام و سلامت سازمان سیاسی را تامین خواهد کرد و نیز از تکرار انحرافات و اشتباهات جلوگیری خواهد کرد.
موفق و سرافراز باشید

Iran: Four death row Kurdish prisoners at imminent risk amid reports of secret executions

Document – Iran: Four death row prisoners at imminent risk amid reports of secret executions

2e0c4-amnesty-internationalAMNESTY INTERNATIONAL


14 June 2014

AI Index: MDE 13/035/2014


Iran: Four death row prisoners at imminent risk amid reports of secret executions 


Four Sunni prisoners on death row, Hamed Ahmadi, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani and Kamal Molaee, have been transferred to solitary confinement and are scheduled to be executed on Sunday 15 June on the charge of “enmity against God” (moharebeh), only days after reports of the secret execution of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi on the same charge, warned Amnesty International.


Amnesty International calls on the authorities not to execute Hamed Ahmadi, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani and Kamal Molaee and immediately impose a moratorium on all executions.


The families of the four men were called on 13 June to visit their relatives for the last time before their death sentence will be implemented in Rajae Shahr prison on 15 June. The four are accused of killing Mullah Mohammad Sheikh al-Islam, a senior Sunni cleric with ties to the Iranian authorities. The men deny the accusation, saying that they had been arrested between June and July 2009, several months before the sheikh’s killing in September 2009, and that they have been targeted solely because they practiced or promoted their faith, such as taking part in Sunni religious seminars and distributing Sunni reading materials. The Supreme Court had upheld the death sentences in September 2013, and the sentences had been sent to the Office for the Implementation of Sentences, the official body in charge of carrying out executions.


The authorities sentenced the four men to death after trials during which basic safeguards, such as rights of defense, were disregarded, in contravention of international fair trial standards


The organization’ call comes amid reports of the secret executions of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi, two members of Iran’s Ahwazi minority who had been held in conditions amounting to enforced disappearance since March 2014.


Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi families learned on 12 June 2014 that the men had been executed. The circumstances surrounding the executions remain shrouded in secrecy as the families have been told neither about the date nor the place at which the executions took place, in violation of Iranian law which requires lawyers and families to be notified of scheduled executions 48 hours in advance. The authorities have never even provided the men’s families and lawyer with the verdict sentencing the two men to death.


On 12 June 2014, the brother and son of Ali Chebieshat were told to report to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz, the capital of the Province of Khuzestan in southern Iran. They learned of Ali Chebieshat’s execution only after they were driven to a cemetery in Ramhormozz, a city more than 200 km away from the hometown of Ali Chebieshat in Kaab Khalaf Mosallam, Shush, Khuzestan, and shown an unmarked grave presented to them as the grave of Ali Chebieshat. The family of Sayed Khaled Mousawi were told by the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz that they would be taken to his burial location on 13 June 2014. Both families were warned against holding memorials for their executed relatives.


Later the same day, people in the home village of Ali Chebieshat who learned of his death went to the family home to mourn. Shortly thereafter, plainclothes agents from the Ministry of Intelligence reportedly arrived, and dispersed the informal gathering and arrested Ali Chebieshat’s brother and son. Both men were subsequently released on 13 June 2014 after providing a written guarantee to not hold a memorial for Ali Chebieshat.


At the time of writing, Sayed Khaled Mousawi’s family had not yet been taken to the site of his burial.


Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi were sentenced to death on 9 September 2013 by a Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz on the charge of “enmity against God”. The Revolutionary Court is understood to have handed down the sentence based on the men’s forced “confessions” to their role in the explosion of a natural gas pipeline close to their native village, despite the director of the state-owned Khuzestan Gas Company describing the explosion as an accident.


While they never received a written verdict, the family members of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi had been informed informally by an official in the Revolutionary Court of Ahwaz on 1 May that the men’s sentences had been upheld by the Supreme Court. Three weeks later on 19 May, they learned, through an informal conversation with a Ministry of Intelligence employee that the men would be executed on 22 May 2014. However, when both families went to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz on 22 May 2014 for information about the fate of the men, the Ministry of Intelligence officials denied even having them in custody.


According to the UN Human Rights Committee persisting uncertainty of the circumstances that led to [an] execution, as well as the location of the grave; the complete secrecy surrounding the date of the execution and the place of burial, as well as the refusal to hand over the body for burial have the effect of intimidating or punishing the family by intentionally leaving it in a state of uncertainty and mental distress.� The Committee has viewed such treatment as inhuman treatment of the family members in violation of Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a state party.


Ali Chebieshat and Sayad Khaled Mousavi were arrested in November 2012 and taken to a Ministry of Intelligence detention centre in Ahvaz. They were held in solitary confinement in a Ministry of Intelligence detention centre with no access to the external world for over seven months. Amnesty International understands that they were tortured or otherwise ill-treated during this period. In court, the two men denied all the charges brought against them and their allegations of torture or other ill-treatment are not known to have been investigated.


In June or July 2013, Ministry of Intelligence officials told the men’s families that they could meet with the detainees in a mosque in the village of Jarieh. When they arrived at the mosque, the families realized that the room was equipped with cameras. Amnesty International understands that they were told that if they agreed to be filmed while watching their relatives’ recorded “confessions”, the authorities would consider reducing their punishments. They were not told that the recorded footage would be aired on national TV. Ali Chebieshat’s family members, who refused to be filmed, were apparently contacted by Ministry of Intelligence officials a few months later and coerced into being filmed or risk him being executed. In November 2013, Iran’s state-controlled Press TV and Channel 3 of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting aired a “documentary” called “Lost in Darkness” in which they showed the “confessions” of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi and the footage of the family members.



Two other Ahwazi Arab men, Hadi Rashedi and Hashem Sha’bani Nejad were executed in secret at the end of January 2014 after they had been transferred to an undisclosed location. Their families were told by an official from the Ministry of Intelligence on 29 January 2014 that the two men had been executed and buried a few days earlier. Amnesty International understands that those men’s families were also not told the exact date of the executions, either in advance or after they had taken place, and have not received the men’s bodies. The official told the families they were not permitted to hold a public memorial for the two men and had only 24 hours in which to hold a private service. Three other Ahwazi Arab men, Mohammad Ali Amouri, Sayed Jaber Alboshoka and Sayed Mokhtar Alboshoka, who had been sentenced to death along with them, remain at risk of execution.


Iran remains the second largest executioner in the world, after China. In 2013, according to Amnesty International figures, the Iranian authorities officially acknowledged 369 executions. However, reliable sources have reported that hundreds of additional executions took place in 2013, bringing the possible total to over 700. According to Amnesty International, as of 10 June, 157 executions during 2014 have been acknowledged by the authorities or state-sanctioned media, while reliable sources have reported at least 197 additional executions.



� Case No. 2120/2011, Vladislav Kovalev et al. v. Belarus, views adopted on 29 October 2012, UN document CCPR/C/106/D/2120/2011, para. 11.10.

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