Amnesty International-Iran; Bakhtiar Rahimi, from Iran’s Kurdish minority needs immediate medical attention

Amnesty International-Iran; Bakhtiar Rahimi, from Iran’s Kurdish minority needs immediate medical attention

Amnesty Urgent Action

Dear friends,

Please find attached and copied below an Urgent Action that Amnesty International issued today on detained labour rights activist Bakhtiar Rahimi, from Iran’s Kurdish minority, who was arrested on 27 November 2019 in Marivan, Kurdistan province. Bakhtiar Rahimi has serious heart and kidney conditions for which he needs daily medication. The Iranian authorities have denied him access to a lawyer and permitted him only one very brief phone call to his family since his arrest.

Attached to this email, please also find a picture of Bakhtiar Rahimi, the copyright of which is Private, and which you can use.

The Urgent Action is available on the Amnesty International website at the following link:

Best wishes,
Iran team
Amnesty International

Urgent Action

Detained labor rights activist Bakhtiar Rahimi, from Iran’s Kurdish minority, was arrested on 27 November 2019 in Marivan, Kurdistan province. Bakhtiar Rahimi has serious heart and kidney conditions for which he needs daily medication. The Iranian authorities have denied him access to a lawyer and permitted him only one very brief phone call to his family since his arrest.

1) Write a letter in your own words or using the sample below as a guide to one or both government officials listed. You can also email, fax, call or Tweet them.​

2) Click here to let us know the actions you took on Urgent Action 176.19. It’s important to report because we share the total number with the officials we are trying to persuade and the people we are trying to help.

Prosecutor General of Sanandaj Mohammad Jabbari
c/o Permanent Mission of Iran to the UN
Chemin du Petit-Saconnex 28
1209 Geneva, Switzerland

H.E. Majid Takht Ravanchi
Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran
622 Third Avenue, 34th Floor
New York, NY 10017
Phone: 212 687-2020 I Fax: 212 867 7086
Twitter: @Iran_UN
Salutation: Dear Ambassador

Dear Mr. Mohammad Jabbari,

Kurdish labor rights activist Bakhtiar Rahimi, aged 45, was arrested at his place of work in Marivan, Kurdistan province, on 27 November 2019 by security forces, and forcibly disappeared until around 11 December 2019, when he was permitted to make a very brief phone call to his family. During this call, he was able only to say that he was being held in a ministry of intelligence detention facility in Sanandaj, Kurdistan province, before the phone was cut. He has not been able to speak to them again and has been denied contact with a lawyer since his arrest.

Following his arrest, Bakhtiar Rahimi’s family visited the ministry of intelligence office in Marivan multiple times to inquire about his fate and whereabouts, but officials there refused to provide them with any information and threatened them with violence. On one occasion, officials told them they would be shot if they returned. In the weeks following his arrest, a post on a pro-government Telegram channel named Bakhtiar Rahimi among a number of individuals arrested in relation to the nationwide protests that began on 15 November 2019 and alleged that they had ties to Kurdish opposition groups and had “confessed” to harming and killing some of the people in the protests. The Iranian authorities have a track record of attempting to link Kurdish civil society activists to Kurdish opposition groups and of obtaining forced “confessions” under torture or other ill-treatment to convict individuals in unfair trials.

Bakhtiar Rahimi suffers from serious heart and kidney conditions for which he requires daily medication and the regular care and monitoring of a specialist doctor. Earlier this year, Bakhtiar Rahimi suffered a heart attack. He also requires daily medication for high blood pressure.

I call on you to release Bakhtiar Rahimi immediately and unconditionally as he has been arbitrarily detained for exercising his right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Pending this, I ask you to ensure that he is protected from torture and other ill-treatment, provided urgently with any medical care and medication he may require, and given access to his family and a lawyer of his choosing.

The US Confirms Report Citing Iran Officials as Saying 1,500 Killed in Protests

US Confirms Report Citing Iran Officials as Saying 1,500 Killed in Protests

People walk past buildings that were burned during recent protests, in Shahriar, Iran, Nov 20, 2019.
People walk past buildings that were burned during recent protests, in Shahriar, Iran, some 40 kilometers (25 miles) southwest of the capital, Tehran, Nov. 20, 2019.

WASHINGTON – The United States has confirmed a news report citing unnamed Iranian officials as saying about 1,500 people were killed in a crackdown by security forces on anti-government protests last month.

In a report published Monday, London-based Reuters said it obtained the death toll from three Iranian interior ministry officials who said the fatalities included “at least 17 teenagers and about 400 women as well as some members of the security forces and police.”

In this picture released by the official website of the office of the Iranian supreme leader, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali…
Special Report: Iran’s Leader Ordered Crackdown on Unrest – ‘Do Whatever it Takes to End it’
Order, confirmed by three sources close to the supreme leader’s inner circle and a fourth official, set in motion the bloodiest crackdown on protesters since the Islamic Revolution in 1979

In a Monday tweet, the State Department quoted U.S. Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook as saying the Reuters report “underscores the urgency for the international community to punish the perpetrators and isolate the regime for the murder of 1,500 Iranian citizens.”

Department of State


Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook: “The @Reuters report on the massacre ordered by @khamenei_ir underscores the urgency for the international community to punish the perpetrators and isolate the regime for the murder of 1,500 Iranian citizens.” 



About 1,500 people died during the recent unrest in Iran, government officials tell @Reuters, in the country’s deadliest unrest since the 1979 Islamic Revolution 

View image on Twitter

Reuters’ death toll was much higher than the latest fatalities reported by British rights group Amnesty International, which said in Dec. 16 statement that it documented the killings of at least 304 demonstrators by Iranian security forces in days of unrest that erupted on Nov. 15.

Hook’s reference to the “murder of 1,500 Iranian citizens” also marked a substantial increase in the Trump administration’s assessment of the number of people killed in Iran’s crackdown.

In a Dec. 5 briefing to reporters, Hook said it appeared that the Iranian government  “could have murdered over a thousand Iranian citizens since the protests began.”

Riot police try to disperse protesters as they rally on a highway against increased fuel prices, in Tehran, Iran, Nov. 16, 2019.
US Official: Iran Protest Deaths May Have Topped 1,000
Deadly protests erupted last month after government boosted fuel prices by as much as 300%

Iranian State-approved news agency Tasnim quoted an official at the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) as saying the Reuters report referencing the deaths of 1,500 people was “fake news.”

“These claims are based on premeditated psychological warfare and lack credibility,” Alireza Zarifian Yeganeh said, echoing previous Iranian dismissals of Western reports about fatalities in the protests.

But Iran has declined to try to prove the Western reports wrong by releasing its own figures for those killed, wounded and arrested in the crackdown on the protests.

Iranian authorities sparked the demonstrations in dozens of cities nationwide by raising the subsidized price of gasoline by 50%, further straining the finances of Iranians facing high unemployment and inflation in a shrinking economy under heavy U.S. sanctions.

In a Dec. 16 interview with VOA Persian, Amnesty’s Middle East researcher Philip Luther said he expected the group to raise its figure of 304 protesters killed due to its ongoing examination of “credible” reports showing Iranian security forces used live ammunition while suppressing the demonstrations.

Amnesty did not respond immediately to a VOA Persian request for comment on the Reuters report citing the figure of 1,500 people killed in the unrest.

Amnesty’s reported death tolls from Iran’s unrest have been widely quoted by Western news outlets, which, besides Reuters, have been unable to verify the full scale of the killings due to Iranian restrictions on their access to the country.

The rights group has said it compiles its death tolls from reports whose credibility it ascertains by interviewing and cross-checking details provided by a “range of sources inside and outside Iran, including victims’ relatives, journalists and human rights activists involved in gathering the information.”

The Reuters report also cited three sources close to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a fourth official as saying Khamenei met his top officials on Nov. 17 and ordered them to “do whatever it takes” to end the protests, which had spread rapidly since beginning two days earlier.

FILE - Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei waves during ceremony attended by Iranian clerics in Tehran, July 16, 2019.
FILE – Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei waves during a ceremony attended by Iranian clerics in Tehran, July 16, 2019.

Reuters said its sources also quoted Khamenei as telling the assembled officials that he would “hold them responsible for the consequences of the protests” if they didn’t stop them immediately.

“That is part of the Supreme Leader’s modus operandi,” said Jason Brodsky, policy director for U.S. advocacy group United Against Nuclear Iran, in a VOA Persian interview. “He tends to defer to lower-level officials in order to avoid personal culpability to protect his office and his political brand.”

Brodsky cited as another example Khamenei’s criticism of Iranian Foreign Minister  Mohammad Javad Zarif and President Hassan Rouhani for perceived failings of the 2015 nuclear deal they negotiated with world powers on Khamenei’s behalf.

Regarding Hook’s call for the international community to “punish and isolate” the Iranian government for what he called the “massacre” ordered by Khamenei, Brodsky said the U.N. Security Council should consider referring the crackdown to the International Criminal Court. But he said any resolution calling for a referral could be vetoed by permanent council members Russia and China, longtime military and economic allies of Tehran.

Speaking separately to VOA Persian, Middle East analyst Michael Pregent of the Hudson Institute said the Trump administration also could do more to toughen its campaign of economic and diplomatic pressure against Iran. “Go after Khamenei’s personal assets,” he said.

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies has estimated that Khamenei controls at least $200 billion of assets through three tax-exempt foundations, not directly sanctioned by the United States.

“But I’m not certain that the international community has the appetite to go after the supreme leader,” Pregent said. He cited a lack of efforts by other nations to penalize Iran for what the U.S. has said are Iranian violations of human rights and existing U.N. Security Council resolutions.
This article originated in VOA’s Persian Service.

Special Report: Iran’s leader ordered a crackdown on unrest – ‘Do whatever it takes to end it’

Iran’s leader ordered a crackdown on unrest – ‘Do whatever it takes to end it’

DECEMBER 23, 2019

(Reuters) – After days of protests across Iran last month, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appeared impatient. Gathering his top security and government officials together, he issued an order: Do whatever it takes to stop them.

That order, confirmed by three sources close to the supreme leader’s inner circle and a fourth official, set in motion the bloodiest crackdown on protesters since the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

About 1,500 people were killed during less than two weeks of unrest that started on Nov. 15. The toll, provided to Reuters by three Iranian interior ministry officials, included at least 17 teenagers and about 400 women as well as some members of the security forces and police.

The toll of 1,500 is significantly higher than figures from international human rights groups and the United States. A Dec. 16 report by Amnesty International said the death toll was at least 304. The U.S. State Department, in a statement to Reuters, said it estimates that many hundreds of Iranians were killed, and has seen reports that number could be over 1,000.

The figures provided to Reuters, said two of the Iranian officials who provided them, are based on information gathered from security forces, morgues, hospitals, and coroner’s offices.

That order, confirmed by three sources close to the supreme leader’s inner circle a

The government spokesman’s office declined to comment on whether the orders came from Khamenei and on the Nov. 17 meeting. Iran’s mission to the United Nations did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

In a statement Monday following the publication of this article, a spokesman for Iran’s Supreme National Security Council described the death toll figure as “fake news,” according to semi-official Tasnim news agency.

What began as scattered protests over a surprise increase in gasoline prices quickly spread into one of the biggest challenges to Iran’s clerical rulers since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

By Nov. 17, the second day, the unrest had reached the capital Tehran, with people calling for an end to the Islamic Republic and the downfall of its leaders. Protesters burned pictures of Khamenei and called for the return of Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the toppled Shah of Iran, according to videos posted on social media and eyewitnesses.

That evening at his official residence in a fortified compound in central Tehran, Khamenei met with senior officials, including security aides, President Hassan Rouhani and members of his cabinet.

At the meeting, described to Reuters by the three sources close to his inner circle, the 80-year-old leader, who has final say over all state matters in the country, raised his voice and expressed criticism of the handling of the unrest. He was also angered by the burning of his image and the destruction of a statue of the republic’s late founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

“The Islamic Republic is in danger. Do whatever it takes to end it. You have my order,” the supreme leader told the group, one of the sources said.

Khamenei said he would hold the assembled officials responsible for the consequences of the protests if they didn’t immediately stop them. Those who attended the meeting agreed the protesters aimed to bring down the regime.

“The enemies wanted to topple the Islamic Republic and immediate reaction was needed,” one of the sources said.

The fourth official, who was briefed on the Nov. 17 meeting, added that Khamenei made clear the demonstrations required a forceful response.

“Our Imam,” said the official, referring to Khamenei, “only answers to God. He cares about people and the Revolution. He was very firm and said those rioters should be crushed.”

Tehran’s clerical rulers have blamed “thugs” linked to the regime’s opponents in exile and the country’s main foreign foes, namely the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia, for stirring up unrest. Khamenei has described the unrest as the work of a “very dangerous conspiracy.”

A Dec. 3 report on Iran’s state television confirmed that security forces had fatally shot citizens, saying “some rioters were killed in clashes.” Iran has given no official death toll and has rejected figures as “speculative.”


Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei delivers a speech during a ceremony marking the death anniversary of the founder of the Islamic Republic Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, in Tehran, Iran, June 4, 2017. TIMA via REUTERS

“The aim of our enemies was to endanger the existence of the Islamic Republic by igniting riots in Iran,” said the commander-in-chief of the elite Revolutionary Guards Corps, Hossein Salami, last month, according to Iranian media.

The Revolutionary Guards declined to comment for this report.

Iran’s interior minister said on Nov. 27 more than 140 government sites had been set on fire along with hundreds of banks and dozens of petrol stations, while 50 bases used by security forces were also attacked, according to remarks reported by Iran’s state news agency IRNA. The minister said up to 200,000 people took part in the unrest nationwide.


For decades, Islamic Iran has tried to expand its influence across the Middle East, from Syria to Iraq and Lebanon, by investing Tehran’s political and economic capital and backing militias. But now it faces pressure at home and abroad.

In recent months, from the streets of Baghdad to Beirut, protesters have been voicing anger at Tehran, burning its flag and chanting anti-Iranian regime slogans. At home, the daily struggle to make ends meet has worsened since the United States reimposed sanctions after withdrawing last year from the nuclear deal that Iran negotiated with world powers in 2015.

The protests erupted after a Nov. 15 announcement on state media that gas prices would rise by as much as 200% and the revenue would be used to help needy families.

Within hours, hundreds of people poured into the streets in places including the northeastern city of Mashhad, the southeastern province of Kerman and the southwestern province of Khuzestan bordering Iraq, according to state media. That night, a resident of the city Ahvaz in Khuzestan described the scene by telephone to Reuters.

“Riot police are out in force and blocking main streets,” the source said. “I heard shooting.” Videos later emerged on social media and state television showing footage of clashes in Ahvaz and elsewhere between citizens and security forces.

The protests reached more than 100 cities and towns and turned political. Young and working-class demonstrators demanded clerical leaders step down. In many cities, a similar chant rang out: “They live like kings, people get poorer,” according to videos on social media and witnesses.

By Nov. 18 in Tehran, riot police appeared to be randomly shooting at protesters in the street “with the smell of gunfire and smoke everywhere,” said a female Tehran resident reached by telephone. People were falling down and shouting, she added, while others sought refuge in houses and shops.

The mother of a 16-year-old boy described holding his body, drenched in blood, after he was shot during protests in a western Iranian town on Nov. 19. Speaking on condition of anonymity, she described the scene in a telephone interview.

“I heard people saying: ‘He is shot, he is shot,’” said the mother. “I ran toward the crowd and saw my son, but half of his head was shot off.” She said she urged her son, whose first name was Amirhossein, not to join the protests, but he didn’t listen.

Iranian authorities deployed lethal force at a far quicker pace from the start than in other protests in recent years, according to activists and details revealed by authorities. In 2009, when millions protested against the disputed re-election of hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, an estimated 72 people were killed. And when Iran faced waves of protests over economic hardships in 2017 and 2018, the death toll was about 20 people, officials said.

Khamenei, who has ruled Iran for three decades, turned to his elite forces to put down the recent unrest — the Revolutionary Guards and its affiliated Basij religious militia.

A senior member of the Revolutionary Guards in western Kermanshah province said the provincial governor handed down instructions at a late-night emergency meeting at his office on Nov. 18.

“We had orders from top officials in Tehran to end the protests, the Guards member said, recounting the governor’s talk. “No more mercy. They are aiming to topple the Islamic Republic. But we will eradicate them.” The governor’s office declined to comment.

As security forces fanned out across the country, security advisors briefed Khamenei on the scale of the unrest, according to the three sources familiar with the talks at his compound.

The interior minister presented the number of casualties and arrests. The intelligence minister and head of the Revolutionary Guards focused on the role of opposition groups. When asked about the interior and intelligence minister’s role in the meeting, the government spokesman’s office declined to comment.

Khamenei, the three sources said, was especially concerned with anger in small working-class towns, whose lower-income voters have been a pillar of support for the Islamic Republic. Their votes will count in February parliamentary elections, a litmus test of the clerical rulers’ popularity since U.S. President Donald Trump exited Iran’s nuclear deal — a step that has led to an 80% collapse in Iran’s oil exports since last year.

Squeezed by sanctions, Khamenei has few resources to tackle high inflation and unemployment. According to official figures, the unemployment rate is around 12.5% overall. But it is about double that for Iran’s millions of young people, who accuse the establishment of economic mismanagement and corruption. Khamenei and other officials have called on the judiciary to step up its fight against corruption.


Officials in four provinces said the message was clear — failure to stamp out the unrest would encourage people to protest in the future.

A local official in Karaj, a working-class city near the capital, said there were orders to use whatever force was necessary to end the protests immediately. “Orders came from Tehran,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Push them back to their homes, even by shooting them.” Local government officials declined to comment.

Residents of Karaj said they came under fire from rooftops as Revolutionary Guards and police on motorcycles brandished machine guns. “There was blood everywhere. Blood on the streets,” said one resident by telephone. Reuters could not independently verify that account.

In Mahshahr county, in the strategically important Khuzestan province in southwest Iran, Revolutionary Guards in armored vehicles and tanks sought to contain the demonstrations. State TV said security forces opened fire on “rioters” hiding in the marshes. Rights groups said they believe Mahshahr had one of the highest protest death tolls in Iran, based on what they heard from locals.

“The next day when we went there, the area was full of bodies of protesters, mainly young people. The Guards did not let us take the bodies,” the local official said, estimating that “dozens” were killed.

The U.S. State Department has said it has received videos of the Revolutionary Guards opening fire without warning on protesters in Mahshahr. And that when protesters fled to nearby marshlands, the Guards pursued them and surrounded them with machine guns mounted on trucks, spraying the protesters with bullets and killing at least 100 Iranians.

Iran’s authorities dispute the U.S. account. Iranian officials have said security forces in Mahshahr confronted “rioters” who they described as a security threat to petrochemical complexes and to a key energy route that, if blocked, would have created a crisis in the country.

A security official told Reuters that the reports about Mahshahr are “exaggerated and not true” and that security forces were defending “people and the country’s energy facilities in the city from sabotage by enemies and rioters.”

In Isfahan, an ancient city of two million people in central Iran, the government’s vow to help low-income families with money raised from higher gas prices failed to reassure people like Behzad Ebrahimi. He said his 21-year-old nephew, Arshad Ebrahimi, was fatally shot during the crackdown.

“Initially they refused to give us the body and wanted us to bury him with others killed in the protests,” Ebrahimi said. “Eventually we buried him ourselves, but under the heavy presence of security forces.” Rights activists confirmed the events. Reuters was unable to get a comment from the government or the local governor on the specifics of the account.

Editing by Michael Georgy, Cassell Bryan-Low and Jason Szep


Amnesty International calls on the Iranian authorities to release Zahra Mohammadi immediately

Amnesty International calls on the Iranian authorities to release Kurdish civil society activist Zahra Mohammadi immediately



Dear Friends,

Amnesty Urgent ActionPlease find attached and copied below an urgent action Amnesty International issued today on Kurdish civil society activist Zahra Mohammadi, aged 29, who has been arbitrarily detained since her arrest in Sanandaj, Kurdistan province, Iran, on 23 May 2019.

She is charged with national security offences in relation to her civil society work empowering marginalized members of Iran’s Kurdish minority.

Amnesty International calls on the Iranian authorities to release Zahra Mohammadi immediately and unconditionally as she is a prisoner of conscience detailed solely for her peaceful civil society activism.

The urgent action is available on the Amnesty International website at the following link:

Best wishes,
Iran team
Amnesty International

Kurdish civil society activist Zahra Mohammadi, aged 29, has been arbitrarily detained since her arrest in Sanandaj, Kurdistan province, Iran, on 23 May 2019. She is charged with national security offences in relation to her civil society work empowering marginalized members of Iran’s Kurdish minority.
Prosecutor General of Sanandaj Mohammad Jabbari
c/o Permanent Mission of Iran to the UN
Chemin du Petit-Saconnex 28
1209 Geneva, Switzerland
Dear Mr Mohmmad Jabbari,
Zahra Mohammadi, a Kurdish civil society activist, has been accused of co-operating with Kurdish opposition groups and charged with national security offences for her peaceful activities empowering members of Iran’s marginalized Kurdish community, including through teaching the Kurdish language. On 18 September 2019, without prior notice to her lawyers or family, Zahra Mohammadi was transferred to Branch One of the Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj for a hearing which was subsequently postponed.
On 23 May 2019, Zahra Mohammadi was arrested in her home by plain-clothes agents from the Ministry of Intelligence and then held in solitary confinement at an undisclosed location until 31 May, when she was transferred to Sanandaj prison and her family were informed of her whereabouts. During a subsequent family visit, Zahra Mohammadi said that she had been pressured to provide a forced “confession” during those eight days in secret detention. From early June until early July 2019, she had ongoing contact with her family. From 6 July to 16 September 2019, Zahra Mohammadi was held in incommunicado detention and her family was denied all information about her despite multiple attempts to learn what had happened to her. After this period of incommunicado detention ended, Zahra Mohamamdi was able to tell her family that during that time, she was taken to a Ministry of Intelligence facility each day for hours-long interrogation sessions and again put under intense pressure to “confess” that she had been co-operating with Kurdish opposition groups, which she denied. She said that her interrogators threatened to arrest her family members if she did not agree to work for the Ministry of Intelligence and sign a pre-written “confession”. She has met with her lawyers just once, nearly four months after her arrest, and after the second round of interrogations during incommunicado detention ended. 
Zahra Mohammadi is in poor health. She currently has a stomach-related illness. She also has a pre-existing digestive condition that requires medication, which she has been unable to take in prison.
I urge you to release Zahra Mohammadi immediately and unconditionally as she is a prisoner of conscience detailed solely for her peaceful civil society activism. Pending her release, please ensure that she is protected from torture and other ill-treatment and can receive regular visits from her lawyer and family, as well as adequate medical care, including any specialized treatment she may need. 
Yours sincerely,
On 18 September 2019, without any prior notice to her lawyers, Zahra Mohammadi was transferred to Branch One of the Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj. Her lawyer and family were alerted that she was in court, and promptly arrived to protest the hearing taking place without prior notice. Her court session was subsequently postponed to a later date, though no further hearings have taken place since and the court has sent the case back to the office of the prosecutor for further investigations. She has met with her lawyers just once, nearly four months after her arrest, and after the second round of interrogations during incommunicado detention ended on 16 September. 
During the period she was held in incommunicado detention and subjected to interrogations for over two months without access to a lawyer, Zahra Mohammadi’s family made numerous attempts with different government offices in Sanandaj to learn what had happened to her. During one visit to the Ministry of Intelligence office, her family was permitted to speak over the phone with Zahra Mohammadi’s interrogator. According to information received by Amnesty International, the interrogator told her family that Zahra Mohammadi was being denied contact with her family to put her under greater pressure to sign documents and agree to work for the ministry of intelligence and that, once she had done so, she would again be able to see her family.
Since being held in incommunicado detention, Zahra Mohammadi has experienced a stomach-related illness for which the prison doctor prescribed medication, but she has said that the medication makes her nauseous and that her illness continues. She also has a pre-existing digestive condition which requires a special diet and medication. Since detention, she has neither been able to follow the special diet nor take her medication. Her family has requested she be transferred to hospital for examinations, but no response has been given to them.
Zahra Mohmmmadi is the director of the Nojin Cultural Association, whose activities include teaching the Kurdish language and literature and other civil society activities. Prior to her 23 May 2019 arrest, Zahra Mohammadi had been subjected to several lengthy interrogations by the ministry of intelligence. The last took place on 8 March 2019, when she was interrogated for eight hours without the presence of a lawyer. 
Ethnic minorities in Iran, including Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks, Baluchis, Kurds and Turkmen, face entrenched discrimination, curtailing their access to education, employment and adequate housing. Continued economic neglect of regions with large minority populations has exacerbated poverty and marginalization. The Persian language is the sole medium of instruction in primary and secondary education in Iran. 
You can also write in your own language.
Please check with the Amnesty office in your country if you wish to send appeals after the deadline.
NAME AND PREFERRED PRONOUN: Zahra Mohammadi (she/her)

Secondary Trauma by Cklara Moradian

Secondary Trauma

by Cklara Moradian

Cklara Moradian, MSW

Cklara Moradian, MSW

Secondary Trauma

Kurdish babies born in refugee camps are given names like Sangar (barricade), Awara (displaced), Revin (escape), Zindan (prisoner), Ranjbar (someone who suffers), Firmesk (tears), Bezar (spiteful), Xabat (fight), Tola (revenge), Hawar (wailing) Rizgar (rescued), Snoor (border), Lana (home).

They are victims of geography, survivors of a map.

They grow to sow their lips in protest and they carve symbols into their skin, coordinates of their birthplace as if to say “when you find me, send me home.”

Mothers spend hours lulling their restless children to sleep, singing lullabies that tell of a journey filled with rage. They do not migrate through the process of abscission. They are plucked in violence, deported.

What pains are passed on in these names? What wisdom?

It’s called secondary trauma, as if the seconds it takes to cut the umbilical cord from my mother could insulate me from the torture inflicted on her bones by the state, by displacement, by despair.

As if the lines that separate me from you is drawn in red, or in yellow tape, marking a departure clear enough for me to really feel where you end and I begin. Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

I didn’t have to be there to see my uncles hanged for speaking their mother tongue to taste the bitter end of my roots flicker as I try to speak my language, the fluency of which escapes me now.
I didn’t have to be there to know of what you went through during forced confessions, Father. I didn’t have to hear the wailing of my imprisoned kin to now be startled awake by their cries.

Visions of my ancestors forced from the mountains into the desert with blistering feet keep me awake. I walk barefoot on tiptoes as if my feet are blistered. Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

What is secondary about this intergenerational heirloom, passed down to me without my consent? What massacres happened in this crossing from one continent to the other? What comes first? Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

They say I have not differentiated myself enough (not in my identity formation). The subtleties of my individuality have become murky in the passage of loss from one generation to the other.

I close my eyelids to find refuge but my memory is fact. It is in my DNA, in epigenetic shapeshifting. The past is present.
What is secondary about waking every day to the news of another genocide, another friend dead, another aunt, sister enslaved? Another exodus? What is secondary about ritual mourning? Every morning! When can we heal? When can we fully grieve when it is never-ending? Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

I once read that pain flows from one family member to the next until someone is ready to feel it. I feel it. I feel it in my flesh, in the marrow of my bones, in my gut. It is like pins right under my fingernails, accumulating in somatic bruises on my thighs. And it shows when I reach out to you and say “I bear witness.” Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

At night, I twist and turn into the fetal position, my belly sounding off my people’s history. I carry it in my posture, the way I am weight down by sorrows I have no names for. I hold it in my voice when it vibrates with fear. I am anchored to the agony of exile. It is all-consuming. It is water. It is in the heaviness of the air that does not fully fill my lungs. It is in the space where I sit with all that has been done to you, in all the places where your jawlines were broken by armed men in uniform Father, beaten to shatters until you could not eat for days.

I remember so you can go on forgetting because you need to forget. I remember so you can go on forgetting.

Every time I look in the mirror, the outline of your silhouette is reflecting back your pain. Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

What is secondary about this pain? To me, it has been an offering. It has been a profound loss, wrapped in every conversation, gifted to me in passing. That “all things are lost” is imparted in disorganized attachment, in denial, melancholia, in the sense of betrayal, in bedtime stories of persecution.

My mother, pregnant and imprisoned at 18, was beaten black and blue until she miscarried. I grew up knowing I was not her first child. Grief has come in abundance. Safety was scarce. Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

Where is the line between lived experience and being raised with the knowledge of all that has been lost? Tell me, what is loss?

In the journey of displacement, I have lost language, I have lost language (s). I have lost birth certificates, passports, a state. I have lost the promise of return to a land forever stolen from me. I have lost count of my losses. Tell me, where do you end and I begin?

The coordinates of my birthplace is Latitude 36°14′ 47″N Longitude 46° 15′ 59″ E. I am another refugee child with a mispronounced name. When I die, send me home!



Cklara Moradian, MSW

Cklara Moradian, MSW

Cklara Moradian, MSW; is a diaspora Kurd, a former refugee from Eastern Kurdistan/Iran, and a spoken word poet. Her work is deeply steeped in her life experiences as a survivor.
She uses poetry and creative non-fiction as a response to the current and past atrocities/genocide her community has endured. Her work attempts to bear witness, tell stories of love and survivorship in the face of hardship and pain
Cklara is also a published spoken word poet who has performed at national and international human rights conferences, such as Amnesty International’s annual gathering, UNWomen events, university campuses, such as Cal State LA, Cal State Northridge, Cal State Fullerton, CalArts, and UCLA, as well as at national and international political rallies and literary events.
Cklara is a Social Worker, who is helping to implement the youth-centered strength-based interventions in clinical and policy/research arenas. Cklara’s work is rooted in anti-oppressive liberatory theory and practice. She hopes to continue to serve multiply-marginalized communities, center disenfranchised voices, and elevate the strengths and resiliency of people who have and continue to deal with personal and intergenerational trauma. Her journey of healing from mental and physical illness informs her work with diaspora communities. Prior to Social Work, for over ten years, Cklara was involved in social justice advocacy.

دكترکامران متین؛ تنها یک سخن در میانه نبود: آزادی

دكترکامران متین در پاسخ به واكنشهاى ابراز شده از سوى بخش فارسى راديو بي بي سى و بخشى از شنونده گان وبيننده گان اين رسانه در خصوص مصاحبه اخیرش با برنامه “۶۰ دقیقه” بی‌بی‌سی فارسى

تنها یک سخن در میانه نبود: آزادی

Dr. Kamran Matin

Dr. Kamran Matin

اظهارات من در برنامه ۱۸ تیر برنامه “۶۰ دقیقه” تلویزیون بی‌بی‌سی فارسی مبنی بر نگرانی دولت ایران از احتمال استفاده‌ی نیروهای سیاسی کرد از ضعف دولت مرکزی برای آزاد‌سازی مناطقی از کردستان ایران در صورت وقوع جنگ بین ایران و آمریکا، و تاکید من بر این نگرانی به عنوان دلیل اصلی تمایل دولت ایران در این مقطع به گفتگو با نمایندگان برخی احزاب سیاسی کردستان، خشم بسیاری از ملی‌گرایان ایرانی از طیف‌های سیاسی گوناگون را برانگیخت.

مدت کوتاهی پس از مصاحبه من، در حرکتی بی‌سابقه بی‌بی‌سی فارسی در یک توییت رسمی از اظهارات به زعم این رسانه “بحث برانگیز” من اعلام برائت کرد. این در حالی بود که با توجه به پخش‌ زنده مصاحبه من به عنوان “مهمان” و نه “کارمند” بی‌بی‌سی، مطلقا دلیلی برای این اعلام برائت وجود نداشت. لازم به ذکر است بی‌بی‌سی فارسی در موارد متعددی در گذشته هیچگاه از اظهارات مهمانان و حتی کارمندان نیمه‌رسمیش – که اظهارات “بحث برانگیز”ی نظیر ستایش از رهبر جمهوری اسلامی که دادگاه معروف به “میکونوس” وی را یکی از آمرین ترور سیاسی رهبران کرد در برلین معرفی کرده، و یا از فرمانده “سپاه قدس” که یکی از پشتیبانان اصلی رژیم اسد که متهم به ارتکاب جنایات جنگی است – اعلام برائت نکرده است.

وجه مشترک تمامی واکنش‌های خصمانه به اظهارات من در توصیف دورنمای احتمالی سیاست احزاب کرد ایرانی در صورت وقوع درگیری نظامی بین ایران و آمریکا، ابراز هراس و خشم از عبارت “آزادسازی” کردستان توسط‌ نیروهای کرد بود. در این نگاه مشترک کرد‌ هراس، ناسیونالیست‌های ایرانی که فهم سیاسی‌شان با خوانشی مرکز گرایانه از سرحدات دولت-ملت مدرن به پایان می‌رسد – و به دلیل عدم درک تفاوت‌های بنیادین ساختار غیر متمرکز امپراطوری-پادشاهی‌های پیشامدرن و دولت-ملت مرکز‌گرای مدرن، کلیت قلمرویِ ایران پیشا‌مدرن را حق طبیعی دولت-ملت فارس مدارِ ایران می‌دانند – نشان دادند که در پس ادعاهای آزادی ‌خواهانه‌شان یک‌صدا و متحد به دنبال استمرار دولت-ملت ضد-دموکراتیک و تک-بنی موجود هستند که شرط وجودش انقیاد ملل غیر فارس و سرکوب حاشیه‌‌ها بوده و هست. آنها نشان دادند که در رسیدن به این مقصود ابایی از همسویی و حتی همکاری با هر نظام سیاسی مستقر از جمله حکومت جمهوری اسلامی، که برخی از این افراد و گروه‌ها داعیه دار مخالفت با آن هستند، ندارند.

از واکنش این دسته دلسرد کننده‌تر اما هم‌صدایی یا سکوت تایید‌آمیز برخی از «چپ‌»ها بود که با تحلیل این بحث در چارچوب مناسبات جهانی جنگ سرد همچنان تنها شرّ واقعا موجودِ جهان را آمریکا و تنها شکل مقاومت مشروع در برابر این شرّ را در مرکزگرایی و “حفظ تمامیت ارضی” (بخوانید انکار، سرکوب و در حاشیه نگاه‌ داشتن همه هویت‌های جمعی “دیگر” به نفع یک هویت خاصِ “فارس-شیعه”) به هر بهایی می‌بینند. اینان درک نمی‌کنند که شهامت در مخالفت با امپریالیسم داخلی یکی از مهم‌ترین معیارهای چپ‌گرا بودن است، و نه تکرار بی‌محتوا و بی خطرِ بدیهی‌ترین عنصرِ سیاستِ سوسیالیستی – مخالفت با امپریالیسمِ غربی – آن هم بدون خط‌‌کشی استراتژیک با نظام شبه-فاشیستی جمهوری اسلامی.

Dr. Kamran Matin

لازم است بر این نکته تاکید کنم که هدف این متن متقاعد کردن افراد و جریان‌های گروه نخست به اعتراف به کژفهمی خود نیست، چرا که هم راستایی اصلاح طلبی، اقتدارگرایی، ملی‌گرایی، و شوونیسم فارس‌مدار در راستای سرکوب حاشیه‌ها – علیرغم تفاوتهای سیاسی و رقابت‌های داخلیشان بر سر قدرت – پدیده‌ای‌ست نه تازه و نه غیرمنتظره. آنچه ناامید‌کننده است پیروی حداقل بخشی از چپ ایرانی از برداشت تک‌بُنی و نژادپرستانه ناسیونالیسمِ ایرانی از ملت، فهم مرکز‌گرایانه‌اش از دولت و اجتناب‌شان از درک وضعیت عینی و پتانسیل‌های رهایی بخش موجود در دیگر نقاط ایران و منطقه است. این کژفهمی راه را حتی به روی تصور چند و چونی یک جریان چپِ پیشرو سراسری هم بسته است. بنابراین اینجا مایلم این موج واکنش‌های خصمانه به اظهاراتم را بهانه‌ای کنم برای بیان نکاتی درباره “مساله کرد” و “مساله ملت‌ها” در ایران.

درباره «دولت-ملت‌»

فهم دولت-ملت‌های کنونی به عنوان مقیاس بی‌بدیلِ امرِ سیاسی و تفکیک مرزهای سرزمینی دولت-ملت ها به عنوان تنها تعریف مشروع هویت‌های سیاسیِ دارایِ حقِ استقلال و آزادی، ناشی از اشتباه گرفتنِ امری قراردادی با امری طبیعی است.

بی تردید، غایت مفهوم و ساختارِ «دولت-ملتِ مدرن» شکل‌دهی و سامان دادن به ذهنیت‌ها و هویت‌ها در چارچوب مرزهای سرزمینی دولت‌هاست. اما واقعیت این است که نه مرزهای دولت-ملت‌ها توانسته‌اند جمعیت‌های درونشان را همسان کنند، و نه مساله‌ی شکل‌گیری ملت‌ها امری‌ست «درونزا» (endogenous) که از طریق آن بشود آغاز و پایان مرزهای دولت-ملت‌ها را به آن تحمیل کرد. اگرچه درونزا نبودن هویت‌های ملی به این معناست که از فرهنگ، تاریخ و زبان مشترک به عنوان در دسترس ترین ابزارهای شکل‌گیری چنین هویت‌هایی استفاده می‌شود، اما هویت‌های ملی در مرحله‌ای بنیادی‌تر خود را از طریق تمایزات و تضادهای سیاسی – و نه صرفاً فرهنگی – با دیگر ملت‌ها یا هویت‌های جمعی تعریف می‌کنند. به عبارتی دیگر، فرآیند تشکیل هویت‌ ملی با «دیگری سازی» سیاسی (Othering) دیگر هویت‌های جمعی همراه است.

با این حال، حیطه منطق دیگری سازی صرفا محدود به مرزها نیست. درون مرزهای دولت-ملت‌های مدرن، مرزهای سیاسی و مرزهای «جوامع انگاشته» (Imagined Communities) – یا همان مرزهایی که حول آنها فرآیند دیگری سازی شکل می‌گیرد – اغلب فاقد حتی حداقلی از انطباق هستند. به ویژه در دولت-ملت‌هایی چون ایران که به طور مستمر و در مدت بسیار کوتاهی نظم امپراطوری پیشاسرمایه‌داری را با نظم سیاسی مدرن مبتنی بر دولت-ملت – که وجه ممیزه تاریخی‌ آن “حق حاکمیت مدرن” (sovereignty) است – و بدون توسعه داخلی سرمایه‌‌داری جایگزین کرده‌اند. این وضعیت موجد تضادی ساختاری است که برای مهار آن خشونت سازمان‌یافته دولتی به شکلی نظام‌مند به کار گرفته می‌شود. با چنین پیشینه تاریخی در ایران، آغاز روند تشکیل دولت-ملت – پیش‌ از توسعه نظام‌مند روابط اجتماعی سرمایه‌دارانه، که پایه اجتماعیِ حاکمیتِ مدرن است – با تحمیل خشونت‌بار یک مرکز تک‌بنی «فارس-شیعه» بر حاشیه های غیرفارس و غیر شیعه همزمان و همسو شد. روندی که لازمه آن اجبار به تبعیت از حاکمیت و فرهنگ فارس مدارِ مرکزگرا در مناطقی‌ست که تا پیش از این از مزایای خود‌مختاری به درجات مختلفی بهره می‌بردند. به عبارت دیگر، برخورد با به اصطلاح “اقلیت‌ها” ٖ– که خود مولود روند اینچنینی تشکیل دولت-ملت مدرن هستند و نه پدیده‌ای طبیعی و ازلی – در دولت-ملت ایران همواره به شکل “شمول از طریق حذف” (inclusion through exclusion) بوده است؛ و در واقع، ادغام کردن هویت‌‌های دیگر همچون کرد، ترک، بلوچ، عرب و غیره در دل فرهنگ غالب از طریق حذف آن‌ها از ساختار سیاسی و موازنه‌ی قدرت انجام می‌گیرد.

بنابراین، مبارزات ملی کردها و روی آوری احتمالِی این نیروهای سیاسی به استقلال‌طلبی نقطه آغازین روند حذف‌گرایانه دیگری ساز در ایران نیست. بلکه این تضاد سیاسی خود نتیجه‌ی سیاست “شمول از طریق حذف” است. در حقیقت، این تلاش‌های نخستین دولت-ملت‌های فارس-شیعه مدارِ ایران برای حذف کردها از سپهر سیاسی این حیطه بود که کردهای ایرانی را وادار به استفاده‌ از پویایی سیاسی-تاریخی – و در این راستا گرایش به ویژگی‌ها و ظرفیت‌های فرهنگی، تاریخی و جفرافیایِ خاص خود – برای بازتعریف هویت جمعی‌اش در قالب ملیتی در تضاد با مرکز کَرد.

خلاصه اینکه تفاوت بین قوم و ملت از منظر سیاسی را نه ارجاع به قلمروهای امپراطوری‌های پیشامدرن تعیین می کند و نه قدرت داشتن بالفعل در چارچوب مرزهای سیاسی فعلاً موجود. بلکه رسیدن به درکی تاریخی و سیاسی از تصور خود به عنوان یک «ملت» به مثابه جامعه‌ای «انگاشته» زاده فرایندی سیاسی‌ست که در آن گروهی از مردم، صرف نظر از تفاوت‌ها و تکثر داخلی‌شان، به درکی از حق تعیین سرنوشت جمعی برای استمرار بقای خود می‌رسند.

نکته‌هایی درباره تفکر چپ کرد‌ هراس ایرانی

چند نکته مهم در این بازتعریف مفهوم دولت-ملت وجود دارد که درک آنها برای شکل گیری هرگونه پروژه رادیکال و «واقع گرایانه‌» چپ در وضعیت کنونی ایران و خاورمیانه ضروری است. و با اینکه بیان این نکات توضیح واضحات به نظر می‌رسد، این مهم هنوز در تصورات سیاسی اکثریت اپوزیسیون داخلی و خارجی ایران محلی از اعراب ندارد. این نکات ناظر به بُعد منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی جنبش‌های ملی، ماهیت سیاسی و نه “هویت‌گرایانه” این جنبش‌ها، حق تعیین سرنوشت ملت‌ها، و رابطه جنبش‌های ملت‌های تحت‌ ستم با جنبش‌های طبقاتی و جنبش‌های مبارزه برای برابری جنسیتی هستند.

نخست اینکه بازتولید دوگانه‌ی شرق-غرب مدار جنگ سرد، که حتی در دوران خود جنگ سرد هم دینامیسم سیاست جهانی و منطقه‌ای را به درستی تبیین نمی کرد، به هیچ عنوان نشان دهنده‌ی واقعیت مرزبندی‌ها و سلسله مراتب تفکیک سرکوب/مقاومت موجود در جهان مدرن نیست. بازتولید چنین دوگانه‌ای به عنوان شاه‌بیت سیاست‌های چپ و مترقی ناگزیر به بازتولید و استمرار دولت‌های استبدادی و ذهنیت‌های نژادپرستانه‌ای کمک می‌کند که از ظواهر «ضدامپریالیستی» خود برای استتار استعمار ملت‌های در انقیادِ خویش استفاده کرده بدون آنکه به زیربناهای مادی بازتولید سرمایه‌داری جهانی و گرایش‌های امپریالیستی آن صدمه جدی وارد کنند. در بعضی موارد رویکردهای این دسته از دولت‌ها حتی زمینه بسط نفوذ و رسوخ سیاسی-اقتصادی افزون‌تر دولت‌های امپریالیستی در منطقه را فراهم کرده است.

دوم، نه پیگیری حقوق ملی از سوی به اصطلاح اقلیتها مساله‌ای صرفاً هویتی است، و نه وجه هویتی مفهوم ملت در ترکیب «دولت-ملت» مدرن پدیداری صرفا سکولار است. شکل‌گیری هویت ملی و جوامع انگاشته به عنوان «برساخت‌هایی» (constructions) سیاسی-اجتماعی زاده شکل‌دهی به همان شکاف‌های هویتی است که دولت-ملت را ملزم به انکار آنها، به قصد بقا و استمرار ساختار تک‌بنی خود می‌کند. بنابراین، “مساله‌ی کرد” به همان اندازه مساله‌ای‌ست سیاسی که «ملی‌گرایی» برای دولت-ملت پرستان مساله‌ای‌ هویتی است. انکار این مساله و امنیتی-هویتی پنداشتن مساله‌ی به اصطلاح‌ اقلیتها (به جای سیاسی دانستن آن) چیزی جز استفاده از ادبیات تاریخ‌زدایی‌شده دولت‌های سرکوبگر نیست – و نشانه‌ی تصرف ناخودآگاه به اصطلاح اپوزیسیون ایرانی با هنجارهای دولت-ملتی که داعیه انتقاد از آن را دارند.

سوم، روند تاریخی تشکیل دولت-ملت مدرن در غیاب روابط اجتماعی سرمایه‌داری و در سطح‌ داخلی کشورهای به لحاظ زبانی و فرهنگی متکث مانند ایران، الزاما موجد تولید جوامع انگاشته متداخل و متضاد درون این کشورهاست. اما این وضعیت به قشر مرکز نشین فارس-شیعه مدار حقی برتر برای تعریف حدود آزادی و بسط سلطه‌ی خود نمی‌دهد، به ویژه اگر حاشیه‌نشینان جغرافیای سیاسی این حیطه ایده اجتماع سیاسی مطلوب خویش‌ را مستقل از تصورات و ایدئولوژی دولت-ملت تک‌بُنی حاکم ساخته باشند. همانطور که تصورات پدرسالارانه‌ای که زنان را ملک مردان و تن آنان را ضمیمه‌ای بر تنِ شوهر یا پدر می‌خواند بر واقعیت خودآگاهی زن به عنوان یک انسان و حق آزادی و استقلالش سرپوش نخواهد گذاشت، در توصیف مبارزه‌ی اقلیتی که هویت‌اش را پس از یک قرن سرکوب و استثمار سیستماتیک از نو ساخته – و تنی مستقل برای خود اندیشیده، حتی اگر کماکان خودآگاهی‌اش انکار شده باشد – می‌بایست از لفظ “آزادی” استفاده کرد؛ آزادی اندیشیدن برای خود و احقاقِ حق حیات آزادانه خود. به همان سیاقی که انکار حق زنان در اندیشیدن برای خود و تعیین سرنوشت خود جدا از خواست شوهر یا پدر، به دلیل ترس از خطر فروپاشی نهاد خانواده، موضعی زن‌ستیزانه و سکسیستی است، هرگونه انکارِ حق حیات آزادانه ملل و بی‌توجهی به بنیان‌های نژادی دولت-ملت تک بنی ایران به دلیل هراس از تغییر چنین دولت-ملتی حاکی از نگاهی‌ استعماری و نژاد‌پرستانه است.

چهارم، صحبت از این آزادی الزاماً به مفهوم تبلیغ استقلال‌طلبی نیست. این برداشت نیز زاده‌ی ذهن مرکزگرا و دولت‌محوری‌ست که درک سیاسی‌اش از استقلال‌ با «مرز» آغاز می شود و به پایان می‌رسد. بنابراین پرسش اصلی این است که آیا دولت-ملت موجود ایرانی حاضر است آزادی ملت‌های ساکن ایران در تعیین سرنوشت خود را به رسمیت بشناسد؟ جلوگیری از تعین یافتن این حق در اشکال جدایی و استقلال‌طلبانه‌اش نیازمند پذیرفتن مفهوم متکثری از ملت، جامعه‌ی سیاسی، و تمرکززدایی از دولت است. اما تا آنجایی که نظامی مبتنی بر چنین مفهومی به لحاظ اقتصادی، سیاسی و اجتماعی در تضاد کامل با واقعیت نظام سیاسی موجود ایران است، احقاق این امر تنها بر بنیان شکل‌گیری سوژه ی سیاسی جدیدی با درک متفاوتی از آزادی قابل تصور است. واکنش‌های اپوزیسیون به سخنان من گواهی بود به عدم تمایل ایشان به چنین تغییری در رویکرد سیاسی‌شان. و تا زمانی که چنین درک و تمایلی وجود نداشته باشد، چنین جریاناتی در جایگاهی نیستند که به گرایش‌های استقلال طلبانه از سوی به اصطلاح اقلیت‌ها خرده‌ بگیرند. این منطق مرکزگرا راهی به جز مطالبه تشکیل دولت ملی، برای رسیدن به حداقل‌های تضمین بقای خود، پیش پای اقلیت‌های ملی نمی‌گذارد.

پنجم، علیرغم تمایل برخی فعالین چپ به پذیرفتن این واقعیت، دوگانه ی شرق-غرب توضیح دهنده و توجیه‌کننده‌ی پیچیدگی‌های نظام سرکوب‌گر و سلطه‌جوی کنونی (که از تفاوت های نژادی-قومی-ملی تغذیه می کند) نیست. در عمل هم به خاطر شرایطی که جریان‌های رادیکال و اقلیت‌ها در آن دوست و هم‌پیمان قابل اطمینانی ندارند، تنها فرصت­های پیش رو برای این جریان‌ها استفاده از شکاف‌های نظم سیاسی و ژئوپولیتیک موجود است. گزاره‌ی استفاده احتمالی نیروهای سیاسی کردستان از خلا قدرت در ایران در صورت حمله‌ی آمریکا – احتمالی که دولت مرکزی را آشفته کرده است – فاقد هرگونه جانبداری از حمله نظامی آمریکا به ایران است. این صرفا بیان مصداق یک واقعیت و اصل اساسی در مناسبات قدرت و حیات سیاسی‌ست که نیروهای سیاسی عملگرا از چپ تا راست به آن واقف‌اند. به عنوان مثال، تحولات انقلاب فرانسه، روسیه یا چین بدون استفاده از رقابت‌ها و منازعات ژئوپلیتیک مختص زمانه‌شان به ثمر نمی‌رسیدند. تقریبا تمامی جنبش‌های آزادی‌بخش‌ ملی جهان، از جمله فلسطین، از این قبیل رقابت‌ها و تضادهای ژئوپلیتیک بهره می‌گیرند. در جامعه‌ی کردستان هم مانند جامعه‌ی ایران، طیف وسیعی از موافقان و مخالفان حمله ی نظامی آمریکا وجود دارند، اما نوع و مختصات پیش‌بینی‌های اینان برای استفاده از چنین خلا قدرتی کاملا متفاوت است. بنابراین اگر اپوزیسیون ایران می‌خواهد از احتمال وقوع چنین وضعیتی جلوگیری کند بهتر است به سمت تغییر درک سیاسی خود از مساله‌ی ملت، مفهوم آزادی و حق ملیت‌های ایرانی در تعیین سرنوشت خود حرکت کند. در غیر این صورت، به سیاق نکته‌ی پیشین، حق انتقاد از اقلیت‌های ملی برای استفاده از خلا قدرت احتمالی را پیشاپیش از خود سلب کرده است.

ششم، مساله ملی کرد، و مساله ملت‌ها در ایران به طور کلی‌تر، از مبارزه و ساختار طبقاتی، و نیز سلسله مراتب جنسیتی، جنسی و مبارزه علیه آنها جدایی ناپذیر است. تمامی اجتماعات سیاسی “انگاشته” هستند. آنچه “ملت” مدرن (به مثابه یک اجتماع انگاشته) را از اشکال پیشین هویت جمعی متمایز می‌کند شکل سیاسی ابراز حاکمیت آن است که مبتنی بر حق حاکمیت مدرن (sovereignty) است. امری که به نوبه خود مبتنی بر توسعه نظام‌مند روابط‌ سرمایه‌داری – به طور معین روند به اصطلاح “انباشت اولیه سرمایه” (Primitive Accumulation of Capital) – است. همانطور که اشاره شد، دولت-ملت ایران همانند تمامی دولت-ملت‌های متاخر نه برخاسته از توسعه روابط سرمایه‌داری در سطح‌ داخلی بلکه در مقابله با گرایش‌های استعماری سرمایه‌داریِ خارجی تشکیل شد. بنابراین، همانا این دولت-ملت مدرن آغاز کننده و پیش‌برنده اصلیِ انباشت اولیه (اصلاحات ارضی) و توسعه سرمایه‌داری در ایران بود. دولت-ملتی که هویتش مبتنی بر تحمیل همسان‌سازانه و خشونت‌بار یک زبان و فرهنگِ خاص (فارسی-تشیع) بر زبان‌ها و فرهنگ‌های دیگر بود. به این ترتیب، جغرافیای سیاسی ساختار طبقاتی سرمایه‌داری در ایران، و نیز مولفه‌های جمعیتی طبقات کارگر و زحمتکش و سرمایه‌دار و فرادست متاثر از، و منعکس‌کننده، توازن قوای نابرابر سیاسی بین هویت ملی غالب و هویت‌هایِ جمعی مغلوب است. و حاصل این امر مرکزی فربه و قوی و حاشیه‌‌هایی نحیف و مکتوم بوده است. در واقع، دسترسی به مناصب سیاسی مهم و تعیین کننده، که در یک اقتصاد سیاسی رانت‌مدار شرط لازم برای برخورداری از امکانات انباشت و دسترسی به منابع ثروت است، کاملا متاثر از فاصله افراد و گروه‌های از هسته سیاسی-فرهنگی-ایدئولوژیک دولت-ملت‌ موجود است. این امر به شکلی اجتناب ناپذیر ملت‌های غیر فارس و غیر شیعه را همواره در موقعیتی مادون قرار می‌دهد. به علاوه، این شرایط ترکیب جمعیتی طبقات فرودست و تحت استثمار را به شکل نامتوازنی به ضرر غیر فارسها و غیر شیعیان شکل می‌دهد. بی‌دلیل نیست که جغرافیای اقتصاد سیاسی توسعه‌نیافتگی و محرومیت منطبق بر جغرافیای هویتهایِ جمعیِ به حاشیه رانده شده است.

با این تفاصیل، واضح‌ است که یک استراتژی سیاسی چپ رادیکال-دموکراتیک محور، که صرفا حول “مبارزه طبقاتی” تبیین شده، امکان تولید یک پروژه هژمونیک سیاسی با چشم‌اندازی مطلوب را نخواهد داشت. در این راستا، برابری ملت‌ها و جنسیت‌ها باید از تبیین سنتی آن به مثابه “مقصد” نهایی جنبش ‌سوسیالیستی جدا گشته و به امر فوری و پراتیک سیاسی امروز این جنبش‌ بدل شود.


UN Confirms Iran Enriching Uranium in Excess of Nuclear Deal Limit


WASHINGTON — The United Nations’ atomic energy agency has confirmed Iran has surpassed the uranium enrichment limits spelled out in the 2015 nuclear deal.

A sign marks the building of the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, in Vienna, Austria, March 5, 2013.

The International Atomic Energy Agency said its inspectors verified Monday that Iran has surpassed the 3.67% enrichment limit set in the accord, aimed at restraining Tehran’s ability to develop nuclear weapons in return for sanctions relief.

It did not specify by how much Iran exceeded the limit, but the Associated Press quotes a spokesman for Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization on Monday as saying Tehran had enriched uranium to “around 4.5%” purity.

Iran earlier said it could enrich uranium to 20% as it backs away from its commitments under the nuclear deal.

Uranium enriched to 5% is sufficient to produce fuel for nuclear power plants, but still far below the 90% needed for building a nuclear weapon.

 FILE - President Hassan Rouhani listens to explanations of  nuclear achievements in Tehran, Iran, April 9, 2018. Iran has broken the limit set on its stockpile of low-enriched uranium by the 2015 nuclear deal, and will raise its enrichment of uranium.
FILE – President Hassan Rouhani listens as he is being updated on Iran’s nuclear achievements, in Tehran, Iran, April 9, 2018.

U.S. President Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the nuclear deal last year and imposed tough sanctions on Iran.

Tehran has already pulled out of parts of the agreement and is threatening to move further and further away from it unless the remaining parties — Britain, China, France, Germany, and Russia — provide economic relief from the crippling U.S. sanctions.

WATCH: US warns Iran


‘Extremely concerned’

The European Union said it was “extremely concerned” about Tehran’s action.

“We strongly urge Iran to stop and reverse all activities that are inconsistent with the commitments” it had made under the international agreement, the EU said in Brussels.

Russia said it is concerned about Iranian action. But Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said it had warned that Trump’s withdrawal from the pact would have negative consequences for global security.

Trump has warned Iran that it “better be careful.”

National Security Adviser John Bolton added Monday that the U.S. “will continue to increase the pressure on the Iranian regime until it abandons its nuclear weapons program and ends its violent activities across the Middle East, including conducting and supporting terrorism around the world.”

Tehran long has insisted that its nuclear program is only for peaceful purposes.

Iran’s leverage

Columbia University researcher Richard Nephew, who was part of a U.S. team negotiating with Iran under Trump’s predecessor Barack Obama, said Tehran’s latest breaking of a nuclear deal commitment does not mean it is racing toward developing a nuclear weapon.

“What Iran is doing is going to shorten the timeline [for nuclear weapon development] by a measure of days, and in time, a measure of weeks,” Nephew told VOA Persian in a Monday interview. “But Iran still is a year away from being able to produce a nuclear weapon and will [remain so] for some time to come.”

But retired U.S. Marine Corps Lieutenant Colonel Dakota Wood, a senior defense researcher at the conservative Heritage Foundation in Washington, said Iran’s latest moves demonstrate the viability of its perceived nuclear weapons program.

“Because [Iran] didn’t have to dismantle any of its infrastructures under the [2015] deal, it can quickly continue exceeding the [low-enriched uranium] quantity limit of 300 kilograms and then further enrich [to higher purity],” Wood said in a separate VOA Persian interview Monday. “So going to 4.5% purity, being on a track to 20% and then ultimately to 90% if they decide to go down that path, really reveals the organic, inherent capabilities [Iran] has in its nuclear program.”

Both Wood and Nephew said they believe Iran is using its breaches of the nuclear deal as leverage to win diplomatic concessions from the West.





Iran Says it Will Break Uranium Stockpile Limit in 10 Days

FILE -  Behrouz Kamalvandi speaks during a press conference.
FILE – Behrouz Kamalvandi speaks during a press conference.

TEHRAN, IRAN – Iran will break the uranium stockpile limit set by Tehran’s nuclear deal with world powers in the next 10 days, the spokesman for the country’s atomic agency said Monday while also warning that Iran has the need for uranium enriched up to 20%, just a step away from weapons-grade levels.

The announcement indicated Iran’s determination to break from the landmark 2015 accord, which has steadily unraveled since the Trump administration pulled America out of the deal last year and re-imposed tough economic sanctions on Iran, sending its economy into free-fall.

The spokesman for Iran’s nuclear agency, Behrouz Kamalvandi, made the announcement during a press conference with local journalists at Iran’s Arak heavy water facility that was carried live on Iranian state television.

The development comes in the wake of suspected attacks on oil tankers last week in the region, attacks that Washington has blamed on Iran, and also as tensions have spiked between Iran and the United States, a year after President Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew America for the nuclear deal.

Kamalvandi acknowledged that the country already quadrupled its production of low-enriched uranium and said Tehran would increase uranium enrichment levels “based on the country’s needs.”

That increase could be to any level, from 3.67% which is the current limit set by the nuclear deal.

Iran’s needs 5% enrichment for its nuclear power plant in the southern Iranian port of Bushehr and it also needs 20% enrichment for a Tehran research reactor, the spokesman said.

When uranium is mined, it typically has about 140 atoms of this unwanted isotope for every atom of U-235. Refining it to the purity of 3.67%, the level now allowed by the nuclear deal means removing 114 unwanted atoms of U-238 for every atom of U-235.

Boosting its purity to 20% means removing 22 more unwanted isotopes per atom of U-235 while going from there to 90% purity means removing just four more per atom of U-235, he noted. Ninety percent is considered weapons-grade material.

That means going from 20% to 90% is a relatively quicker process, something that worries nuclear nonproliferation experts.

US Resident Freed by Iran to Trump: ‘Get Back Your Hostages’

US Resident Freed by Iran to Trump: ‘Get Back Your Hostages’

By Associated Press

Nizar Zakka speaks during his meeting with Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, at the governmental palace in Beirut, Lebanon, June 11, 2019.
Nizar Zakka speaks during his meeting with Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, at the governmental palace in Beirut, Lebanon, June 11, 2019.

BEIRUT – A Lebanese man and permanent U.S. resident who was released after spending years in an Iranian prison called on President Donald Trump and Western countries to “please get back your hostages from Iran,” adding that he saw American detainees during his nearly four-year imprisonment.

In an interview with The Associated Press, Nizar Zakka said he was subjected to “all kinds of torture,” both physical and mental, during his detention in the notorious Evin prison in Tehran, including standing on one leg for hours, extended periods of interrogation and lack of food.

“Nobody on earth deserves such suffering,” he said in the 30-minute emotional interview during which he broke down in tears at one point.

Zakka, an information technology expert, was arrested in Iran in September 2015 while trying to fly out of Tehran. He had just attended a conference there at the invitation of one of the country’s vice presidents. The following year, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison after authorities accused him of being an American spy — allegations he and his associates vigorously reject.

He was released Tuesday and flew back to his native Lebanon, amid heightened tensions between the U.S. and Iran. Last year, the Trump administration decided to withdraw from the 2015 nuclear deal and re-impose heavy sanctions on Iran. The past weeks have witnessed a flurry of diplomatic activity to ease tensions and salvage the landmark deal.

Zakka is one of several prisoners with either dual nationality or links to the West held in the Islamic Republic’s prisons. It was not clear why Iran decided to act now, after years of Lebanese officials asking for his release.

“In my opinion, it was good timing for the Iranians, and especially they had a request from the President of the Lebanese Republic,” Zakka said. “They took this opportunity to send also a message … de-escalating tensions within the region.”

Zakka told the AP that during his detention he met several Westerners held in Iran, and for two years shared a cell with Chinese-American Xiyue Wang, a Princeton University graduate student sentenced to 10 years behind bars after being accused of “infiltrating” the country and sending confidential material abroad.

“I really ask President Trump to not leave Xiyue behind and other Americans behind, please,” he said.

Zakka also said Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, an Iranian-British woman, was held in the same building where he was until she was moved to the women’s section inside Evin prison.  She is currently serving a five-year prison sentence for allegedly planning the “soft toppling” of Iran’s government while traveling with her young daughter.

Zakka added that Iranian-American Siamak Namazi was held in a cell “almost two meters away” from his, while the man’s father Baquer Namazi was held on a floor above. Both father and son are serving a 10-year sentence after they were convicted of collaborating with a hostile power.

Asked whether he met former FBI agent Robert Levinson, who vanished in Iran in 2007 while on an unauthorized CIA mission, Zakka said: “We heard some stories. Some people told me that they saw him. It wasn’t confirmed stories.”

Zakka called on the “American Congress, American administration and all Western countries, please get back your hostages in Iran.”

“I will take the opportunity to speak to the American Congress and to the American administration and to all the Western countries, please get back the hostages in Iran. Get them back home. They deserve to be back home,” Zakka added.

Zakka, 52, described how he was detained as he was headed to the airport in a taxi on Sept. 18, 2015, after a visit to Iran following an invitation by one of its vice presidents. “I was stopped by a civilian car and taken by people in civilian clothes. They took me as a hostage since then. I didn’t know anything. They blindfolded me and they took me to a place for almost 40 days. I didn’t know where I am.”

He added that the men told him that they are members of the intelligence department of the Revolutionary Guard and that they control the country.

“We decide. We are the judge. We are everything,” he recalled them saying.

كۆسپه‌كانی ئایین له‌ سه‌ر ڕێگای كوردایه‌تی و نه‌ته‌وایه‌تی

كۆسپه‌كانی ئایین له‌ سه‌ر ڕێگای كوردایه‌تی و نه‌ته‌وایه‌تی

Amin Khawaleh

ئه‌مین خه‌واله‌ رۆژنامه‌نووس و هه‌واڵنێر

ئه‌مین خه‌واله‌ رۆژنامه‌نووس و هه‌واڵنێر

٩ی مانگى ژوئن ٢٠١٩ی زایینى

ئایین و نه‌ته‌وه‌ دوو بابه‌تی سه‌ره‌كی و جیاواز كه‌ هه‌موو كات به‌رانبه‌ر یه‌كتری و دژی یه‌كتری ڕاوه‌ستاون و جاری وا هه‌یه‌ دژی یه‌كتر و بگره‌ وه‌كوو كۆسپ و له‌مته‌رێك بوونه‌ته‌ هۆی به‌ لاڕێدا بردنی خه‌بات و بزووتنه‌وه‌یه‌كی ڕه‌وا كه‌ سه‌ركه‌وتن و داهاتی چاكی لێ به‌دی ده‌كرا.

له‌ سه‌ره‌تای دامه‌زرانی شارستانییه‌ت و به‌رفراوانی نه‌ته‌وه‌كان ئایین وه‌كوو كوسپ و ڕێگرێك بووه‌ته‌ هۆی په‌ره‌نه‌ستاندن و لاوازی نه‌ته‌وه‌كان و له‌م نێوانه‌دا كورد وه‌كوو كۆنترین نه‌ته‌وه‌ی مێژوو و خاوه‌ن شارستانییه‌تێكی جوان و ڕێك و پێك و ناوچه‌ و میزوپۆتامیایه‌كی به‌رچاو زیاتر له‌ نه‌ته‌وه‌كانی دیكه‌ بووه‌ته‌ قۆربانی نه‌ته‌وه‌ و بیر و بڕوا دواكه‌وتووه‌كانی نه‌ته‌وه‌كه‌ی و دواكه‌وتوویی و دووبه‌ره‌كی و بگره ده‌یان شه‌ڕی براكوژی له‌ نێوان خۆیان دا.

سه‌لاحه‌دینی ئه‌ییووبی وه‌كوو سه‌رۆك عێلێكی خاوه‌ن ده‌سه‌ڵات و ده‌ست رۆیشتوو زنجیره‌ میرایه‌تی ئه‌ییووبیانی له‌ وڵاتی میسر پێك هێنا به‌ڵام ته‌نانه‌ت جارێك دوای مافی كوردی نه‌كرد و دیفاعی له‌ مافی ڕه‌وای نه‌ته‌وه‌كه‌ی نه‌كرد و ته‌نانه‌ت له‌ گه‌ڵ ئه‌فسه‌ره‌ پایه‌به‌رزه‌كانی سۆپاكه‌ی كه‌ زۆربه‌یان كورد بوون به‌ زمانی عه‌ره‌بی ئاخافتنی كردووه‌ و قه‌ت شانازی به‌ كورد بوونی نه‌كردووه‌ و هه‌موو جارێك باسی له‌وه‌ كردووه‌ كه‌ ئه‌و مۆسۆڵمانێكی كورده‌ كه‌ واته‌ خزمه‌تی ته‌نیا به‌ ئایین و مه‌زهه‌ب كردووه‌ و هیچ دڵسۆزییه‌كی بۆ نه‌ته‌وه‌كه‌ی خۆی نه‌بووه‌.

salahelden Eiubi
زۆرن ئه‌و كه‌سانه‌ی له‌ درێژایی مێژوو له‌ گه‌ڵ ئه‌وه‌ی بیر و بڕوای ئایینی و تێكه‌ڵ به‌ ئیسلام و مه‌زهه‌بیان بووه‌ به‌ڵام ئاستی نه‌ته‌وه‌په‌ره‌ستیان هه‌موو كات له‌ سه‌ر ئایینه‌كه‌یان بووه‌ بۆ وێنه‌ نه‌مر قازی مۆحه‌ممه‌د وه‌كوو هه‌مووان ئاگادارن و خزمه‌تی به‌ڕێزیان له‌ ئاست نه‌ته‌وه‌كه‌یان بۆ ساڵانێكی زۆر پایه‌داره‌ و ئه‌مێنێته‌وه‌ له‌ گه‌ڵ ئه‌وه‌ی له‌ بنه‌ماڵه‌یه‌كی ئایینی له‌ دایك بووه‌ و په‌روه‌رده‌ كراوه‌ به‌ڵام مێژوو هه‌تا هه‌تایه‌ شانازی به‌ بوونی وه‌كوو كه‌سێكی نیشتمانپه‌روه‌ر ئه‌كات و ناوی به‌رزیان هه‌تا هه‌تایه‌ وه‌كوو ئه‌ستێره‌یه‌كی پرشنگدار ئه‌دره‌وشیته‌وه‌. دوابه‌دوای سه‌ركه‌وتنی بزووتنه‌وه‌ی گه‌لانی بنده‌ستی ئێران و هاتنه‌ سه‌ر كاری ڕژیمی كۆماری ئیسلامی ئیسلامی ئێران له‌ ساڵی ١٢٥٧ هه‌تاوی به‌ یارمه‌تی و ئه‌مه‌گداری نه‌ته‌وه‌ی كورد وه‌ك ئاگادارین ڕێبه‌ری ئایینی ئه‌وان خۆمه‌ینی خوێن ڕێژ فه‌رمانی خه‌باتی دژی كوردان ڕاگه‌یاند و ئه‌وانی به‌ نه‌ته‌وه‌یه‌كی دژی بزووتنه‌وه‌ی ناڕه‌واكه‌ی ناودێر كرد له‌ هه‌مان كاتدا و دوابه‌دوای رێگه‌پێنه‌دانی رێبه‌رانی گه‌لی كورد بۆ ئه‌نجۆمه‌نی پاڕله‌مانی ئه‌و ولاته‌ و فه‌رمانی كوشتن و ئازاردانیان شه‌ڕێكی قورسی ٢٨ ڕۆژه‌ له‌ گه‌ڵ رژیمی جه‌نایتكاری خۆمه‌ینی له‌ نێوان ئه‌وان و ئۆپۆزیسیونی پارته‌ دژبه‌ره‌كانی ئه‌و رژیمه‌ له‌ شاری سنه‌ سه‌ر به‌ رۆژهه‌ڵاتی كوردستان هاته‌ ئاراوه‌ كه‌ جه‌ماوه‌ری كوردستان و پێشمه‌رگه‌ گیان له‌ سه‌رده‌سته‌كانی نه‌ته‌وه‌ی كورد به‌ربه‌ره‌كانی و خۆڕاگرییه‌كی چاكیان له‌ خۆیان نواند هه‌تا له‌ ئاكام دا به‌ پێشنیاری ده‌وڵه‌تی ناوه‌ندی بڕیاری وتووێژ درا له‌ نێوان ئه‌نجۆمه‌نی بززوتنه‌وه‌ی ئێران و ڕێبه‌رانی گه‌لی كورد پێك هاتوو له‌ نه‌مر شێخ عێزه‌دین حۆسه‌ینی و شه‌هید دوكتور قاسملوو و سه‌ڵاحی مۆهته‌دی و چه‌ن كه‌سی دیكه‌ و ئه‌حمه‌دی مۆفتی زاده‌ ڕێبه‌ری گرووپی ئایینی مه‌كته‌بی قورعان كه‌ خۆیان وه‌كوو هێزێكی ئایینی شوڕشگێری و نوێنه‌ری مه‌زهه‌بی سوننه‌ و كورد ده‌ناساند. له‌ لایه‌كی دیكه‌ش ره‌فسه‌نجانی، به‌هه‌شتی وتاڵه‌قانی وه‌كوو نوێنه‌رانی شوورای بزووتنه‌وه‌ی كۆماری ئیسلامی رژیمی ئێران هاتنه ناوشاری سنه‌ و ئاماده‌ی دانیشتن و كۆبوونه‌وه‌ بوون له‌ گه‌ڵ نوێنه‌رانی گه‌لی كورد بۆ چاره‌سه‌ری گرفته‌كان و دانی مافه‌ ڕه‌واكانی نه‌ته‌وه‌ی كورد به‌و گه‌له‌ چه‌وساوه‌ و سته‌م لێكراوه‌. به‌ وته‌ی شایه‌د حاڵێك رێزدار دوكتۆر حۆسه‌ین خه‌لیقی كه‌ خۆی وه‌كوو به‌شداری كۆبوونه‌وه‌كه‌ بووه‌ و دواتری وه‌كوو بیره‌وه‌ریه‌ك باسی لێده‌كا و ده‌یگێڕێته‌وه‌ ئه‌حمه‌دی مۆفتی زاده‌ی وه‌كوو كه‌سێكی خه‌یانه‌تكار پێش ئاماده‌بوونی نوێنه‌رانی گه‌لی كورد له‌ گه‌ڵ به‌رپرسانی رژیمی ئێران كۆبوونه‌وه‌ ئه‌كات و ئه‌بێته‌ به‌ربه‌ستێك بۆ به‌ ئاكام گه‌یشتنی كۆبوونه‌وه‌ی دووقۆڵی گه‌لی كورد و نوێنه‌رانی ئه‌نجۆمه‌نی رژیمی ئێران و دواتریش له‌ چه‌ن شوێن و جێگای جوربه‌جۆر هه‌موو كات ده‌ست له‌ سه‌ر گیرفانی ده‌كوتێ و ده‌ڵێت خۆدمۆختاری له‌ گیرفانماندایه‌ و هیچ به‌ربه‌ستێك نه‌ماوه‌ به‌ڵام له‌ ڕاستی دا داهاتی به‌رگری قاره‌مانانه‌ی 28 رۆژی گه‌لی كورد و جه‌ماوه‌ری نیشته‌جێی شاری سنه‌ی زۆر هه‌رزان به‌ لایه‌نی داگیركه‌ر دۆڕاند و دواتریش وه‌كوو خۆی له‌ به‌ڵگه‌ و نووسراوه‌كانی دا له‌ كتێبی ده‌رباره‌ی كوردستان باسی ده‌كات چه‌ندی جار وه‌بیری ده‌سه‌ڵاتدارانی هێناوه‌ته‌وه‌ كه‌ چه‌كی و چۆڵی پێشمه‌رگه‌ی كوردستانی ته‌سلیمی پاده‌گانه‌ سه‌ربازیه‌كانی رژیم كردووه‌ و ئێستا به‌رپرسانی رژیم له‌ شاره‌ كورده‌كان فیشه‌كی پێ ناده‌ن بۆ به‌رگری له‌ سنووره‌كانی به‌ وته‌ی ئه‌وان ئێران و به‌رگری دژی گه‌لانی ناڕازی بزووتنه‌وه‌ی كۆماری ئیسلامی. دواتر جه‌ماوه‌ری دانیشتووی كوردستان به‌ ڕق و كینه‌یه‌كی زۆره‌وه‌ ئه‌و درووشمه‌یان دووپات ئه‌كرده‌وه‌: “ئه‌حمه‌دی مۆفتی زاده – ڕه‌نجی كوردی به‌ با دا” و ده‌یان درووشمی هاوشێوه‌ی دیكه‌.

له‌ به‌شێك له‌ كتێبی “كورده‌كان چی ده‌ڵێن” له‌ نووسینی قادر عه‌بدوڵا كه‌ هاوكات بووه‌ له‌ گه‌ڵ هه‌وڵه‌ بێ ئاكامه‌كانی ئه‌حمه‌دی مۆفتی زاده بۆ وه‌ده‌ستهێنانی ده‌سه‌ڵات له‌ ناوچه‌ كوردنشینه‌كانی كوردستانی رۆژهه‌ڵات نووسه‌ر باس له‌وه‌ ده‌كات و ده‌ڵێت : ده‌وڵه‌تی ئێران هه‌موو ناوچه‌ كوردنشینه‌كانی له‌ ورمێ هه‌تا سنه‌ كردووه‌ته‌ سێ پارچه‌ و هه‌ر پارچه‌یه‌كی داوه‌ته‌ ده‌ست بوونه‌وه‌رێكی سه‌یر و سه‌مه‌ره‌ی ده‌ركه‌وته‌ له‌ تووره‌كه‌ی ئێمپریالیزم. بوونه‌وه‌ری یه‌كه‌م كه‌سێكی به‌ختگه‌ڕاوه‌یه‌ به‌ ناوی ئه‌حمه‌دی مۆفتی زاده‌ كه‌ گه‌لی كورد به‌ گشتی نه‌فره‌تیان لی هه‌یه‌ و لێی بێزارن، ئه‌م كه‌سه‌ كه‌ ده‌وڵه‌ت پێی ده‌ڵێت عه‌للامه‌ به‌ واتی زانا و مامۆستا بڕی حه‌وت سه‌د بۆ هه‌شت سه‌د كه‌سی چه‌قۆكێش و شه‌قاوه‌ و بێكار و برسی له‌ ده‌وری خۆی كۆكردووته‌وه و مانگانه بڕی هه‌زار و حه‌وسه‌د هه‌شت سه‌د تمه‌نیان پێ ئه‌دات و به‌ ناوی لایه‌نگری كۆماری ئیسلامی له‌ سنه‌ تا سه‌رده‌شت سنووره‌كانی دژ كرده‌وه‌ی پارته‌ كوردییه‌كان بۆ كۆماری ئیسلامی پاراستووه‌ و بووه‌ته‌ به‌ره‌نگاری حیزبه‌ چه‌كداره‌كان و جه‌ماوه‌ری ناڕازی كوردستان.‌

دواتریش وه‌كوو ئاگادارین به‌ هۆی سه‌ره‌ڕۆیی و داواكارییه‌كانی له‌ رژیمی ئێران كه‌وته‌ به‌ر ڕق و كینه‌ و كه‌م مه‌یلی ده‌سه‌ڵاتدارانی ئه‌و رژیمه‌ و بۆ ماوه‌ی ساڵانێكی زۆر حۆكمی به‌ندكران و ئه‌شكه‌نجه‌ی به‌ سه‌ر دا سه‌پا و دواتریش دوای ئه‌شكه‌نجه‌یه‌كی زۆر گیانی له‌ سه‌ر خزمه‌ت به‌ رژیمی ئێران دانا به‌ڵام به‌ داخه‌وه‌ په‌یڕه‌وان و دواكه‌وتووانی ئایینه‌كه‌ی رۆژ له‌ گه‌ڵ رۆژ ته‌شه‌نه‌یان كردووه‌ و بوونه‌ته‌ مه‌ترسییه‌كی گه‌وره‌ بۆ دوا رۆژی نه‌ته‌وه‌ی كورد له‌ رۆژهه‌ڵاتی كوردستان و ئه‌گه‌ری به‌ لاڕی دابردنی چه‌ن سال خه‌بات و ره‌نج و تێكۆشان و چه‌ند هه‌زار شه‌هید و گیانبه‌ختكردوو.

له‌ باشووری كوردستانیش گرووپه‌كانی كۆمه‌ڵی ئیسلامی و بزووتنه‌وه‌ی ئیسلامی و ده‌یان گرووپ و تاقمی هاوشێوه‌ به‌ رێبه‌رایه‌تی كه‌سانێكی وه‌كوو عه‌لی باپیر و مه‌لا كرێكار بوونه‌ته‌ كوسپ و رێگر له‌ ڕێگای خه‌باتی گه‌لی كورد و زۆر جار له‌ سه‌ر بڕوا ئایینیه‌كانیان خه‌یانه‌تیان به‌ جه‌ماوه‌ر و پێشمه‌رگه‌كانی پارچه‌كانی دیكه‌ی كوردستان نیشته‌جێی باشوور كردووه‌ وه‌كوو خه‌یانه‌تی عه‌لی باپیر و هێنانی كۆمه‌ڵێكی زۆری به‌رچاوی چه‌كدار و پاسدار بۆ سه‌ر باره‌گاكانی حیزبی دێموكراتی كوردستانی ئێران و چاوساغی كردنیان له‌ ساڵه‌كانی سه‌ره‌تای سه‌ركه‌وتنی شۆڕشی كوردانی باشوور به‌ سه‌ر هێزه‌كانی رژیمی به‌عسی عێراق و ئازاد كردنی ئه‌و پارچه‌ی كوردستان.

به‌ داخه‌وه‌ له‌ ئێستاش دا به‌رته‌سكی بیركردنه‌وه‌ی نه‌ته‌وه‌ی كورد له‌ هه‌موو پارچه‌كانی كوردستان بووه‌ته‌ هۆی پێكهاتنی ده‌یان گرووپی ئیسلامی تۆندئاژۆ وه‌كوو ئه‌نساری ئیسلام و ئه‌نساری سۆننه‌ و سه‌له‌فی و ده‌یان گرووپی هاوشێوه‌ هه‌ر بۆیه‌ش گرووپه‌ تێرۆریستیه‌كانی وه‌كوو ئه‌لقاعیده و داعیش زۆر به‌ ئاسانی خۆیان ئه‌خزێننه ناو كۆمه‌ڵگا و جه‌ماوه‌ر و جێگای خۆیان ئه‌كه‌نه‌وه‌ و بیر و بڕوا پیسه‌كانیان له‌ دڵی كۆمه‌ڵگا دا جێگر ئه‌كه‌ن و ئه‌بنه‌ كۆسپ و به‌ لاڕێدابردنی خه‌باتی نه‌ته‌وه‌كه‌مان و زۆر جار خوازراو یان نه‌خوازراو خزمه‌ت به‌ دوژمن و رژیمه داگیره‌كه‌ره‌كانی وڵاتانی بنیده‌ستی هه‌موو پارچه‌كانی كوردستان وه‌كوو ڕژیمی كۆماری ئیسلامی ئێران و رژیمی به‌شار ئه‌سه‌د له‌ وڵاتی سووریه.


ئه م نوستراوه ده توانن بۆ فۆرمه تى پى دى اف دابه زینێن

: كۆسپه‌كانی ئایین له‌ سه‌ر ڕێگای كوردایه‌تی و نه‌ته‌وایه‌تی


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